Exiles
within: Palestinian
internal refugees
get organized
By Isabelle
Humphries,
The Electronic
Intifada,
November 6,
2002
“As
part of the
entire Arab-Palestinian
people, we
wish to declare:
The refugee
issue is the
heart of the
Palestinian
cause and
the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict.
The Palestinian
refugees’
right to return
to their homeland
and homes
is a sacred
right whose
implementation
must be based
on UN Resolution
194. We warn
of the consequences
of conspiracies
against Palestinian
refugee rights,
whether conducted
openly or
behind closed
doors. We
state with
a loud voice
that there
will be no
just solution
without a
solution of
the issue
of the refugees
and the internally
displaced."
- (The National
Committee
for the Rights
of the Internally
Displaced
Palestinians
in Israel
-- February
2000)
The promotion
of a resolution
foregoing
refugees'
right of return
by the Palestinian
Authority's
Jerusalem
minister Sari
Nusseibeh
and his interlocutor,
former Shabak
head Ami Ayalon,
has infuriated
Palestinians
worldwide.
A recent human
rights award
given by an
international
cosmetics
company, The
Body Shop,
has focused
attention
on an oft-ignored
group of Palestinian
refugees struggling
against such
initiatives:
those living
as exiles
inside Israel.
Affirming
the Presidency
By MIFTAH,
October 30,
2002
Despite the
serious threat
of a vote
of no confidence
that lead
the former
Palestinian
cabinet to
resign on
September
11, 2002,
Yasser Arafat
still unveiled
a new cabinet
with barely
any new faces.
At first,
it seems a
surprise that
the Palestinian
Legislative
Council (PLC)
approved this
cabinet, however,
a second glance
would reveal
that such
a result was
imminent given
the political
developments
on the ground.
Of particular
significance
is Fatah's
desire to
affirm Arafat's
presidency
following
Israel's siege
and destruction
of his compound,
a move that
was aimed
at humiliating
the Palestinian
leader, and
U.S. efforts
to sideline
him. The misguided
notion that
a vote of
no confidence
is in essence
a vote for
Sharon means
that Palestinians
once again
face a cabinet
incapable
of delivering
a hopeful
future.
Deported!
By Kathy Kern,
The Electronic
Intifada,
November 5,
2002
"I did not
kill that
Dutchman on
the moor!"
I read on
the wooden
slab of the
bunk above
me in my prison
cell. The
author had
written an
address in
Essex, England
below it.
A woman from
Ghana had
written in
broken English
that it was
better to
be dead than
African in
Israel. Unlike
my cellmates
from Malawi
and Russia,
facing deportation
-- probably
for overstaying
a visa and
prostitution
respectively
-- I was being
deported for
working with
a human rights
organization.
That afternoon,
the young
woman at passport
control had
stamped my
passport with
a three month
visa and sent
me, as per
the usual
routine for
suspicious
characters,
to a security
person for
further questioning.
He laughed
when he saw
me, because
he had interrogated
me before.
The next steps
normally would
have involved
him asking
me further
questions,
putting my
luggage through
a scanning
machine and
letting me
go.
Interview
with Mahmoud
Al-Aloul,
Governor of
Nablus
By MIFTAH,
October 10,
2002
Mahmoud Al-Aloul
has been the
Governor of
Nablus since
1995. Capitalizing
on the Oslo
Accords, Nablus
became a revitalized
city, contributing
to the advancement
of Palestinian
culture and
society while
celebrating
its epic and
powerful history.
Sadly, the
days of prosperity
are but a
fading memory
as Nablus
has been crippled
by the Israeli
forces over
the past two
years. Suffering
from the most
severe curfews,
with longest
lasting over
100 days,
Nablus has
been brought
to a standstill.
MIFTAH sat
with Mr. Al-Aloul
to ask him
about the
dire circumstances
in Nablus
and his reflections
on the situation.
Settlers
and Trash
By Walid Hamad,
Mayor of the
Palestinian
City of Al-Bireh,
Palestine
Chronicle,
November 8,
2002
AL-BIREH,
West Bank
- While the
Israeli military
strangulation
of the West
Bank tightens
by the day,
the Israeli
settler community
of Psagot,
a settlement
illegally
erected near
my City of
Al-Bireh,
is taking
advantage
of the Israeli
government's
determination
to militarily
crush the
Palestinian
society to
pursue their
three decade
old policy
of illegal
land confiscation.
Just as the
Israeli Occupation
to suppress
the entire
Palestinian
population
has taken
on new shapes
and forms
in the absence
of any international
considerations,
Israeli settlers
are camouflaging
this latest
round of land
confiscation
with a facade
of environmental
issues, namely
a solid waste
landfill site
on the Eastern
front of our
City.
Sharon's
Appendix:
The bankruptcy
of Israel's
"Peace Camp"
Ali Abunimah,
The Electronic
Intifada,
7 November
2002
It is the
traditional
role of the
Israeli Labor
party to pose
as the "peace
party," a
notion that
in the past
some Palestinians,
"moderate"
Arab states,
and the wider
international
community
have accepted
out of a mixture
of naivete,
wishful thinking
and political
expediency.
Whenever Labor
wins, however,
lofty words,
are replaced
with policies
that more
resemble than
contrast with
the "hard-line"
they were
supposed to
replace. In
1992, Yitzhak
Rabin became
prime minister,
following
the "hawkish"
Yitzhak Shamir.
This lead
to the signing
of the Oslo
accords, but
it also heralded
the biggest
colony construction
binge since
Israel's occupation
of the West
Bank and Gaza
Strip began,
designed to
solidify Israel's
control. For
Palestinians
it marked
the beginning
of the period
in which Israel
was free to
continue all
the practices
of military
occupation,
except now
with a veneer
international
legitimacy.
Bluffing
time is over
By Yoel Marcus,
Ha'aretz.
November 8,
2002
Last week,
when the unity
government
fell apart,
we said good-bye
and good riddance.
This week,
with the resignation
of the government
and the call
for early
elections,
we can say
it even louder.
Sharon may
think he's
made a brilliant
move that
will put an
end to Bibi
and allow
him to return
to power newly
strengthened.
The trouble
is that things
don't always
work out the
way we want
them to. Two
of our prime
ministers,
Rabin with
his "clever
trick" and
Peres with
his "stinky
trick," lost
their seats
instead of
getting a
better grip
on them. With
the early
elections
trick, you
know how it
starts, but
there's no
guarantee
how it will
end.
What
is needed
is a real
peace plan
for a change
Hasan Abu
Nimah, The
Electronic
Intifada,
November 6,
2002
AS OUR
region awaits
the threatened
war on Iraq,
is it conceivable
to see a "promise"
of peace on
the Palestinian-Israeli
front with
so much activity,
and supposedly
hope, from
the American
and the European
Quartet joint
efforts that
have recently
produced a
peace plan
which, this
time and obviously
for a good
reason, was
called a "road
map"? Although
a road map
is definitely
not the same
as a peace
plan, in the
sense that
it is only
meant to help
those who
truly want
to reach their
desired destination,
but may need
direction,
the case in
question is
entirely different.
The real issue
is not how
to get "there".
It is rather
to define
first where
"there" is,
what it is
in fact, and
if the parties
truly want
to reach it.
Marshall
Bush is no
Gary Cooper
By William
Hughes, Palestine
Chronicle,
November 6,
2002
BALTIMORE
(PC) - George
W. Bush likes
to pretend
that he’s
just a good
old boy from
the Wild West,
who once was
a managing
partner of
the Texas
Rangers A.L.
baseball team.
When George
W. Bush Jr.
struts into
a room to
hold a news
conference,
you’d
think you’re
looking at
the late Gary
Cooper walking
across the
screen in
one of his
cowboy movies,
like the classic,
“High
Noon.”
Those cowboys,
like the one
played by
the legendary
Cooper, however,
had something
that Bush
Jr., no matter
how many 10
gallon hats
he wears,
can never
have. They
had an “honor
code!”
The code of
the stoic
Western lawman
said that
the good guy
must fight
the bad guy,
no matter
what the odds
against him.
And, the fight
must always
be clean and
fair, too.
This is also
the American
way. The tradition
goes back
to the frontier
ethos of the
revolutionary
heroes, who
founded the
Republic.
The good guy
can’t
run away from
the fight
either, like
Cooper was
severely tempted
to do in “High
Noon.”