Palestinian Leadership Unites, US and Israeli Worst Nightmare Coming True
By Kim Bullimore, Palestine Media Center/Green Left Weekly 12/1/2004
According to the US-Israeli script, the death of Palestinian President Yasser Arafat on November 11 was supposed to spark a violent power struggle within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and in its leading faction, Fatah, as well as between the guerrilla fighters of the Al Asqa Brigades, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. However, much to the surprise of the Israeli and international media, this has not happened. Instead, the US and Israeli rulers'' worst nightmare is coming true — a unified Palestinian leadership. Palestinians of all political stripes are currently working collectively, albeit loosely and cautiously, toward the presidential election scheduled for January 9. This does not mean that there is no political manoeuvring and bargaining going on. However, except for the attempted assassination of newly appointed PLO chairperson Mahmoud Abbas (also known as Abu Mazen) in Gaza on November 14, which was played down by Abbas and the paramilitary organisations, there have been no acts of political violence between the 13 PLO factions.
A surprising decision by the PA cabinet
By Amira Hass, Ha''aretz 12/1/2004
There were no real surprises in the map submitted two months ago by Israeli officials to World Bank representatives and, via these representatives, to the donor countries. It presented a system of 16 passages - tunnels or bridges - and roads slated for upgrading or construction in the West Bank. The passages were intended to keep Palestinian and Israeli vehicles far apart by diverting the Palestinian vehicles to secondary roads. Israelis, that is, Jews, will for the most part travel on a system of well-maintained highways. The Jewish settler logic of ethnic separation based on blatant discrimination in rights, living conditions, laws and the official attitude toward Jews and Palestinians has deepened over the years until it has become second nature for Israeli society. Who, if not the various consuls and World Bank representatives, who often travel around the West Bank and Gaza Strip, are well aware of the logic that has developed here and finds expression in the map they received? It is also not surprising that Israel expects the donor countries to finance these alternative roads and passages, which are aimed at ensuring the well-being of the settlements and their ability to develop and expand. After all, Israel has become accustomed to this luxury: It occupies the Palestinian territories, and the taxpayers of the Western countries bear the burden of the occupation''s damages.
Ethnic Cleansing and the Art of Camouflage
By Paul, International Solidarity Movement 11/16/2004
If you want to fully understand the wall that Israel has built, I advise you to start at the beginning, where its first sections were erected nearly two years ago on land belonging to the villages of Pharaon and Irtah, on the edge of the city of Tulkarem. The living room of Fayez Odah in Irtah offers an excellent view of the 25-foot-high monolith, which has eaten 60% of his land. He and his wife Mona and five children are also in danger of being arrested or fired upon every time they try to farm the remaining 40%, because it is in the "security zone" next to the wall. The structure is even more imposing for being on a raised section of ground, with a sort of ditch in front of it. That is of course how it appears from the Palestinian side. However, it wouldn''t do to sully the view from the Israeli side, nor to remind the Israeli public of the suffering that is being imposed on the people whose land they covet. Hence the transfer of massive amounts of earth to the Israeli side, where it abuts the wall, creating an attractive but artificial hill, planted with roses in many places. The earth movement also accounts for the lower ground on the Palestinian side. It gives double meaning to the notion of land transfer. In the northerly direction, the wall continues as far as one can see, puncutated by periodic guard towers reminiscent of a medieval fortress. However, to the south it changes to two parallel electrified chain link fences topped with razor wire that is so dangerous that it is illegal to use for security purposes in many countries. A patrol road runs between the two fences, and sand fields outside the fences with warning signs not to tread on the sand complete the barrier. This type of barrier relies upon width rather than height, and is the structure of choice when the purpose is to directly confiscate more land.
Disengagement: A Comprehensive Plan
By Hani Al Masri, Dar Al-Hayat 11/27/2004
Some of the Palestinian and Arab hopes pinned on the American administration throughout Bush''s second term in office are vanishing rapidly. Despite the compliments to the new Palestinian leadership, Bush found nothing to offer other than his approval on holding the presidential elections and postponing the issue of establishing a Palestinian state from 2005 until the end of his second term in 2009, without absolute commitment to the matter. Furthermore, he ignored the issues of settlements, the Separation Wall and military hostility. If the fate of the former clear commitment is total disregard, what is the fate of the new mysterious pledge? I believe that the answer is predetermined. Bush''s vision confirmed the necessity of the rise of a democratic Palestinian Authority (PA), which should forcefully fight terrorism. The PA must be prepared to accept the coming negotiations to be independent or at least take into consideration Sharon''s unilateral withdrawal plan from the Gaza Strip, in addition to Bush''s pledge to Sharon. This means providing Israel with the right to define its borders according to its political, security, economic and religious needs. This matter approves Sharon''s famous plan in furnishes the Palestinians with 42% of the occupied land through any final settlement and might possibly make the plan approved by America. The crucial indication is the White House adopting Sharon''s disengagement plan and promoting it as a great historic concession made by Sharon.
Israel''s Battle in Fallujah
By Rashid Khashana, Dar Al-Hayat 11/22/2004
It has become clear that Israel played a major role in the battle for Fallujah, despite the American concern to conceal this fact. What news leaked of officers, soldiers, and even rabbis of dual citizenships that took part in the battles, some of which were killed by the resistance''s bullets, is only the tip of the iceberg. The killing of an Israeli officer in Fallujah exposed the existence of a large number officers, snipers, and paratroopers in Iraq. Based on Israeli press statistics, Israel currently has no fewer than 1,000 officers and soldiers scattered around the American units working in Iraq. In addition, 37 rabbis are operating within the American troops, which leads to believe that the real number is greater; since Ha''aretz admitted that others are concealing their Jewish identities, which makes them self-driven Israeli citizens. Currently, there is a recruitment campaign coinciding with the escalation of the operations in Iraq, which seeks to send further assistance there. Amongst these campaigns is the incitement of Rabbi Irving Elson in his latest speech given in New York to allocate further "Fighting Rabbis" and encourage them to enlist in the American forces, in addition to another rabbi''s advisory stating that those killed in Fallujah are "martyrs." America needs the Israelis'' experience in gang wars in order to manage the battles in the Iraqi cities; given that two generations of its armed forces lack this experience since the end of the Vietnam War. However, the Israeli role is neither technical nor complementary to the American plan. Rather, it is part of the vision established by its military and political leadership prior to the launching of the war, which aims at annulling any regional role for Iraq and eliminating any threat it might cause to its future. The Israeli plan became clear due to various headlines, most prominent of which is dispatching Mossad operatives to establish offices and networks in the north, south, eliminate the Iraqi scientists and intensify the real estate purchase of property and land in the north; specifically in Arbil, Kirkuk and Mosul. This comes as a completion of the previous project, launched ten years prior to the fall of Baghdad, through Jewish Turks.
Up In Arms Over Civilian Deaths
By Uzi Benziman, Palestine Media Center /Ha''aretz 11/28/2004
Human rights groups claim over 1,500 innocent Palestinians have been killed in the past four years, and that the army must be brought to account. The IDF: The situation in the territories exempts it from investigation into such cases. Schoolgirl Iman Alhamas, whose killing by an Israel Defense Forces company commander at the Girit outpost near Rafah was recorded and broadcast this week on Channel 2, arousing a brief public uproar, is not alone: According to data from the human rights group B''Tselem, in the past four years (from September 29, 2000 to October 15, 2004), 2,950 Palestinians have been killed, 592 of them minors (under the age of 18). At least 1,625 of those killed did not take part in the fighting against Israel. A petition now before the High Court of Justice, which was submitted by B''Tselem and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), puts forward eight cases of Palestinians who were killed by the IDF under circumstances that would appear to necessitate an urgent investigation. According to the petition, IDF troops took Amjad Abdel Hadi Jabbur from his home in Salem during the night between August 1 and August 2, 2002. He was led, with his hands bound behind his back, toward military vehicles that were parked about 50 meters away. Two soldiers stood on either side of him and held him by the shoulders. All of a sudden, the soldiers moved away from him and ordered him to stop moving. One of the soldiers shot in the air and another soldier shot directly at Jabbur from a distance of about 15 meters. Jabbur was killed on the spot. His wife and children were standing outside the house and watched what happened. The IDF version is that Jabbur was suspected of involvement in terrorist activity and that he was shot at when he tried to escape. The testimony of neighbors who saw what occurred conflicts with the description given by the IDF: They say Jabbur was handcuffed and did not try to run away.
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me Some Credit!"
By Uri Avnery, CounterPunch 11/29/2004
"Give me some credit!" the new Israeli Prime Minister, Levi Eshkol, cried out at the Labor Party convention in February 1965, addressing David Ben-Gurion. From the moment he resigned, Ben-Gurion started to undermine his successor. Eshkol, who until then had only dealt with finances, looked pale and ineffectual next to his monumental predecessor, the Father of the State, the leader in two wars. Eshkol meant his words quite literally. He said: "Ben-Gurion, I shall use the language of a treasurer: Give me some credit! That''s all I ask, for one term in office, four years at most!" The dramatic cry did not help. Ben-Gurion left the party and continued to rain fire and brimstone on Eshkol. Abu Mazen finds himself in a similar situation today. He, too, could cry out: "Give me some credit!" Of course, his great predecessor cannot attack him except indirectly, by way of his legacy. But Abu Mazen has enough opponents in his own Fatah party. Television presents this as a personal fight between him and the middle generation, in particular Marwan Barghouti. That lies in the nature of television. Since the small screen is at its best when it shows a human face, but is unable to show ideas, every controversy becomes a matter of personalities (confirming, by the way, the famous dictum of the Canadian thinker, Marshall McLuhan, "the medium is the message" - meaning that reality is shaped by the character of the media.)
The Upcoming Palestinian Presidential Elections
Editorial, Miftah 11/29/2004
The death of the Palestinian President, chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation and head of the Fatah revolutionary council, has left a large political vacuum, which is in dire need of mending. The months ahead will prove to be vital and crucial for the future of the Palestinian Authority. There is no doubt that the Palestinian Authority moved admirably, energetically and straightforwardly by scheduling, as stipulated by the Palestinian ‘Basic Law’ drafted in 1995, the election of a new president within 60 days following the death of President Arafat. As smooth as the transition has been, there have been clear indications as to the potential trouble that may take place in the near future. The first stumbling block came with the outbreak of machine gun fire by Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade in Gaza, when former Prime Minister and Presidential Candidate Mahmoud Abbas visited the area. Secondly, there is the struggle within Fatah between the ‘Old Guard'' and the ''New Guard,’ the essence of this struggle is based on support, popularity and representation and most importantly reform. The ‘Old Guard’ can mainly be defined as firstly the Palestinian leaders who came back to the territories as part of the Oslo accords and secondly those leaders who have been part of the political scene for too long (retaining too much control of Fatah’s Central Committee). The ‘New Guard,’ representing much of the ambitious younger members of Palestinian political life, is embodied by the imprisoned Secretary General of Fatah in the West Bank Marwan Al-Bargouthi. Thirdly, one of the most impending internal political challenges that the Palestinian political arena may witness yet, is the willingness and receptiveness of the Islamic parties (HAMAS and Islamic Jihad) to go along with national aims and objectives outlined by the PNA through joining the elections, or the further pursuit of their own agenda by remaining in opposition or boycotting these election for the second time.
"The Pianist" of Palestine
By Omar Barghouti, CounterPunch 11/29/2004
When I watched Oscar-winning film The Pianist I had three distinct, uneasy reactions. I was not particularly impressed by the film, from a purely artistic angle; I was horrified by the film''s depiction of the dehumanization of Polish Jews and the impunity of the German occupiers; and I could not help but compare the Warsaw ghetto wall with Israel''s much more ominous wall caging 3.5 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza in fragmented, sprawling prisons. In the film, when German soldiers forced Jewish musicians to play for them at a checkpoint, I thought to myself: "that''s one thing Israeli soldiers have not yet done to Palestinians." I spoke too soon, it seems. Israel''s leading newspaper Ha''aretz reported last week that an Israeli human rights organization monitoring a daunting military roadblock near Nablus was able to videotape Israeli soldiers forcing a Palestinian violinist to play for them. The same organization confirmed that similar abuse had taken place months ago at another checkpoint near Jerusalem. In typical Israeli whitewashing, the incident was dismissed by an army spokesperson as little more that "insensitivity," with no malicious intent to humiliate the Palestinians involved. And of course the usual mantra about soldiers having to "contend with a complex and dangerous reality" was again served as a ready, one-size-fits-all excuse. I wonder whether the same would be said or accepted in describing the original Nazi practice at the Warsaw ghetto gates in the 1940''s.
An American Visit to Bethlehem
By Bernard Sabella, Electronic Intifada 11/29/2004
The other day a group of American university students visited Bethlehem University in Bethlehem of the nativity fame in the Palestinian Territories. They discussed with their Palestinian peer a number of issues, including mutual perceptions or misperceptions, the stand of the American Administrations on the Arab-Israeli conflict, the situation in Iraq and the upcoming presidential elections in Palestine. After the formal discussions were over, the American and Palestinian students intermingled, exchanged e-mail addresses and promised to keep on with their discussions. On Manger Square, the American students had two pleasant surprises: the first was shaking hands with the Roman Catholic Palestinian Mayor of Bethlehem, Mr. Hanna Nasser, as he was coming out from the Church of the Nativity accompanying a pilgrim group on one of these rare visits of pilgrim groups to the town in recent years. When the students asked him his wishes for Christmas, his response was that his wishes were the wishes of the people of Bethlehem: Peace for Bethlehem that would bring in more pilgrims and Peace for Palestine that would bring stability and eventual reconciliation. The second surprise came as the group continued towards the entrance of the Church of the Nativity where a correspondent of an international American news agency asked them for an interview. The correspondent was interested to know how they happened to be in Bethlehem and whether they felt afraid being in the Palestinian Territories.
Sharon''s provocations
By Salama A. Salama, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/26/2004
Some people were full of hope that, with Arafat gone, Sharon might finally do something to make peace happen. These same people were shocked when the news came from the borders. An Israeli soldier opened tank -- not gun -- fire on Egyptian policemen in Rafah, killing three. An Israeli official statement later said that the incident was an accident and that the Israeli soldier thought that the three men were Palestinians getting ready for a terrorist attack. Initially some people gave Israel the benefit of doubt, withholding any judgement on the matter until investigations could reveal more about the incident. Only a day later things became clear. The chairman of the Knesset Defence and Foreign Relations Committee said, in a typically provocative tone, something to the effect that Egypt is indirectly responsible for the death of its soldiers as well as for the Taba bombings. Those who allowed Sinai to be turned into a conduit for smuggled weapons bear a share of the responsibility, he said. In other words the Israeli terrorist who committed this crime did so with pre-meditation and on orders from above. The aim was to teach Egypt a lesson in how to defend Israel''s security; to force Egypt to do more to secure Israel''s borders. That was the motive.
On the Palestinian Road to Elections: The System
By Arjan El Fassed, Electronic Intifada 11/26/2004
The Palestinian Legislative Council has begun making changes in the electoral system. One should expect that those members of the Legislative Council would have learned from mistakes made during the 1996 elections. Again, because of party politics the electoral system has been designed to favor the ruling party, namely, Fatah. The number of members will be expanded to 124 members, with half of these elected on a regional basis and the remainder on national basis. This would make it more difficult for the opposition, and easier for Fatah, to get their candidates elected on a national ticket. The January 1996 elections were far from being competitive between political parties. The electoral system was designed to strengthen and consolidate the already empowered Palestinian Authority and its political support base in Fatah. The institutional choice of a district-system in combination of a majority system made it virtually impossible for candidates of the smaller factions, who decided to participate in the elections, to be elected. The legal and administrative framework for the electoral system partly emerged through a complex process shaped by negotiations between representatives of the PLO and Israel. As a result, Palestinians had to design an electoral system that was acceptable not only to Palestinians but more important to Israel as well. According to the Declaration of Principles, the elections would be held "in order that the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza Strip may govern themselves according to democratic principles". The "direct, free and general political elections" would be held "for the Council under agreed supervision and international observation, while the Palestinian police will ensure public order".
Two films for one
By Azmi Bishara, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/25/2004
Brutality, it seems, has an infinitely long shelf life -- We are living through heady days. Israelis and Palestinians are furiously exchanging nods and winks as they usher in the post-Arafat phase and they are trumpeting such "achievements" and "breakthroughs" as Israel''s decision to allow the Arabs of Jerusalem -- whose land Israel wants to annex without granting its inhabitants the rights of citizenship -- to take part in the PA presidential elections. The Hebrew dailies are madly vying with one another in featuring horror stories from another world, the world of the occupier and the occupied in Gaza and the West Bank. It feels as though it is end-of-an-era inventory time in Gaza, and with the Israeli conscience in Gaza, as lurid details of heretofore unimaginable acts committed by their soldiers somehow fuse with postmodern consumerism. From the photos from Abu Ghraib we segue to those that Yediot Aharanot splashed in its edition of 14 November 2004 and around which it is planning a full supplement due out on 26 November. Apart from the horror, there was one thought I could not get out of my head: why would soldiers be obsessed with having their pictures taken, in the Israeli case, with Palestinian corpses? In Abu Ghraib the camera, and the desire of the perpetrators to document their perverse thrill in the course of committing torture, were concomitant factors in the crime. In Israel soldiers from a certain military unit gather to have their pictures taken around the severed head of a Palestinian fighter stuck on a bayonet with a cigarette planted in his mouth. The pictures were a kind of a good luck charm, the soldiers said. Soldiers from another unit had their pictures taken with the bullet-riddled body of a boy whom they thought was a "terrorist" but turned out to be innocent. They called him "Hafy", an abbreviation of the Hebrew for innocent, as though the dead boy''s innocence was a subject of jest rather than remorse. They then tied his corpse to a car and paraded it round the camp.
Uncertain times
By Atef Saad, Electronic Intifada 11/26/2004
There is little doubt that Palestinians now face huge challenges after the passing of President Yasser Arafat who held important and sensitive positions in both the resistance and the contemporary Palestinian political system. Most importantly, he has been a revolutionary icon and symbol of the Palestinian national struggle for the past 40 years. Arafat did not name any successor nor did he appoint a deputy. After his death, his positions have been distributed according to the charters of each institution he led: the Fateh Central Committee elected Farouq Qaddoumi as head of the movement while the PLO''s executive committee elected its treasurer, Mahmoud Abbas, as its new head. Ahmad Qrei'' remained as prime minister and was also given authority over the National Security Council, of which Arafat was head. Meanwhile, Speaker of Parliament, Rawhi Fatouh was granted the responsibility of interim president of the Palestinian Authority for a period of 60 days in accordance with the PA''s Basic Law, and just hours after assuming his post Fatouh announced that presidential elections would be held on January 9. All of these changes happened in the course of two days and were considered an impressively smooth and calm transition of authority to many. But now, after the official ceremonies and protocols have ended, the question remains, has the political and leadership vacuum left by the president been filled?
Who is the terrorist?
By Khaled Amayreh, Arabic Media Internet Network 11/25/2004
Since the death of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat on 11 November, the late Palestinian leader has been the target of a venomous vilification blitz by the pro-Israeli media in North America, particularly in the United States. This vindictive onslaught is symptomatic of the Islamophobic and anti-Arab trends now dominating the US, especially since the events of 9/11. As such, it contains very little truth, and is largely devoid of credibility and objectivity. Arafat has been praised by millions as an outstanding freedom fighter, but reviled by his enemies, especially Zionist Jews, as a terrorist. True, Yasser Arafat was not an icon of moral excellence. His long reign was characterized by political adventurism, despotism within the organizations he chaired and nepotistic practices when in government. As president of the Palestinian Authority, a police state without a state, he held all the reins, took all the decisions, and controlled all the money. He went too far in trying to appease Israel and the United States, so much so that he often valued the legitimacy that came from foreign acceptance more than that which came from his own people''s support, which seldom wavered. Nonetheless, Arafat was a bona fide Palestinian nationalist and true seeker of peace with Israel. He recognized Israel within the 1967 boundaries, revoked the Palestinian National Charter and agreed to share Jerusalem with the Jewish state.
Towards a New Future
By Khaled Duzdar, Arabic Media Internet Network 11/18/2004
It appears that the Palestinian leadership succession will not take place smoothly as has been hoped for. The first signs of a possibly violent future, as a result of the multiplicity of factions within the Palestinian political arena, and the disagreement between Fatah and the opposition, have already shown that any successor that emerges has inherited a swamp of tremendous problems. The shooting inside the condolence tent in Gaza, regardless of whether it was an attempt to assassinate Abu Mazen or an act meant to frighten, or simply to show who has real power; it was a clear threat for a very uncertain future. The different statements from the various echelons and militias together with the general environment of threats emanating from almost everywhere regarding those who plan to take the law into their own hands, suggest that the new era may be controlled by all kinds of warlords. The pre-eminent figure for the new Palestinian leader appears to be Abu Mazen. He has to consolidate his power and legitimacy. But are we seeking a new leader with total power? The new leadership needs to establish a new basis of trust with the public. Would it be the right policy to look for a succession within a system of autocracy? The call by some Palestinian factions for a "united national leadership" or even trying to suggest a "presidential authoritarianism" is a retreat to the sixties of the last century, and an obstruction to democracy. Such a step would not serve the Palestinians and their future strategy. Are we witnessing a turning point as many had early predicted? The single leader model will not be what is needed. The transition must be to real democracy and not a de-facto autocracy.
For sake of democracy include diaspora in Palestinian vote
By Helena Cobban, Miftah 11/23/2004
Elections are on the agenda for the Palestinians: Their interim post-Arafat leadership says it plans to hold them Jan. 9. That''s good news, but as of now there are no plans to include in this important vote the millions of Palestinians living in exile outside their homeland. Shouldn''t that be changed? It''s true, the presidential election plan already faces many obstacles. One is the draconian system of movement controls that Israel has maintained on the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza since 2002, purportedly as a security measure to prevent further Palestinian suicide bombings. Any free and fair election requires that such controls be lifted. Otherwise, how can candidates and supporters circulate to discuss their platforms and ideas? But excluding from the vote those Palestinians living outside the homeland is a deeper and potentially more serious problem. The current plan is to hold the election under rules defined in the Oslo peace process in 1993. Back then, excluding diaspora Palestinians from the rolls might have been forgivable, because the election envisaged there (which was duly held in 1996) was for head of the Palestinian National Authority - a body that everyone agreed was only temporary. But the Oslo process has been defunct for a long time. Even President Bush has said that his goal now is not just an "interim" body, but the creation of a full-fledged Palestinian state. That is an admirable goal - and one that is long overdue. (Under the Oslo Accords, implementation of the "final status" between Israel and Palestine was due to start in 1999. We are already five years late!) But negotiations for this outcome - which should certainly not be temporary - need to enroll the energies of Palestinians living outside the homeland, as well as those within it. The best way to achieve that would be to include them in the vote to the Palestinian body that conducts this fateful negotiation.
The power of words
By Brian Whitaker, The Guardian 11/23/2004
Damascus would do well to defuse anti-Syrian sentiment in Beirut and the wider world with an offer of dialogue -- Watched by police in riot gear, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Beirut last Friday waving Lebanese flags and carrying anti-Syrian placards. The protesters, mainly Christian students, were demanding the withdrawal of Syrian troops - currently estimated to number 14,000 - and an end to Syrian meddling in Lebanese politics. One of them held a sign urging President Bush to "help us save Lebanon". The demonstration had been called by several opposition groups including the exiled troublemaker, General Michel Aoun. Meanwhile, a smaller group - followers of the Druze leader, Walid Jumblatt - gathered near the prime minister''s office with placards reading: "No to hegemony" and "Freedom, sovereignty, independence". On Sunday, in a televised speech to mark the 61st anniversary of Lebanese independence from France, President Emile Lahoud brushed the protests aside, telling viewers that Lebanon would be "steadfast" in maintaining its close relations with Syria.
The Lying Game, Revisited
By Justin Raimondo, Antiwar.com 11/22/2004
Iran has nukes – they really really do! Scout''s honor! Cross my heart and hope to die! -- We live in a recurring nightmare. That''s the only conclusion one can draw from today''s headlines, which, as we draw closer to a confrontation with Iran, bear an eerie resemblance to yesterday''s breaking news. It seems like only yesterday that a Middle Eastern exile group – the Iraqi National Congress (INC) – was feeding the U.S. government "intelligence" that drew a fearsome portrait of Saddam Hussein''s supposedly burgeoning nuclear arsenal. The Iraqi dictator was said to be plotting with Al Qaeda to knock off a few more American skyscrapers, and, at one point, George W. Bush even conjured visions of Iraqi drones flying over our airspace and raining death and destruction on American cities. While readers of Antiwar.com discovered early on it was all a lie, a good deal of the rest of the world was led down the primrose path and only stumbled over the truth after they had reached the very end. But is it the end – or is the path just branching out in another direction?.... ...Israel has long been demanding that the United States deal with an alleged military threat from Iran, which is supposed to be secretly subsidizing the Iraqi insurgency. On a trip to Israel before the invasion, U.S. arms official John Bolton is said to have promised Prime Minister Ariel Sharon (scroll down) that the U.S. would take on Syria and Iran right after Saddam was disposed of, and this scenario seems to be playing out rather quickly. Israel is the only threatened party if the Iranians get nukes, as the Washington Post report on the Powell leak brouhaha implied....
New Spy Investigation Suppressed at Crucial Juncture
By Richard H. Curtiss, Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 11/23/2004
The United States is investigating another case of Israeli espionage that apparently neither the Democrats nor the Republicans want to touch until after the Nov. 2 election. This latest case involves two long-time staff members of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). U.S. investigators were surveilling a lunch meeting between an AIPAC employee and an Israeli Embassy official when an unknown person joined them. The investigators had no idea who he was. The man turned out to be Lawrence A. Franklin, a mid-level civil service employee who worked for many years at the Defense Intelligence Agency. The FBI obtained warrants from a special federal court for surveillance under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and for months kept tabs on Franklin. About three years ago Franklin transferred to the staff of Douglas Feith, under secretary of defense for policy, who has spent most of his career looking out for the interests of Israel. Interestingly, Feith’s father, Dalck, was an Israeli extremist and a long-time protégé of Zev Jabotinsky. Dalck Feith, who now lives in the United States, is just as extreme today as he was all those years ago in Israel. His son Douglas, as the person in charge of the Pentagon’s Office of Special Plans (OSP), for some time has worked on compiling any material, no matter how vague or extreme, to make the case for military action in Iraq.
Israeli demolitions undercut an ancient cultural heritage
By Ramsay Short, Daily Star 11/23/2004
Destruction of architecture equals destruction of identity -- BEIRUT: In Beirut today a mosque is being built. Funded by the Hariri Foundation of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, this major Sunni temple overlooks the Lebanese capital''s historic Martyrs'' Square. In Fallujah, Iraq, and in the Palestinian towns of Nablus and Hebron, mosques and historic houses are being destroyed or nearly destroyed. And with such cultural destruction - the grinding to rubble of a people''s and a nation''s heritage - chances for peace are also destroyed. The reason? Cultural heritage is a vital component of the cultural identity of communities, groups and individuals, and of social cohesion. This is especially true in the Arab world, where so many religions and ethnicities meet and interconnect. The destruction, intentional or otherwise, of such heritage - be it in the form of buildings, monuments, houses or places of worship - undoubtedly has adverse consequences on human dignity and human rights - and in the case of Palestine (and Iraq as the American occupying forces continue to stop at nothing to root out resistance) - the destruction has adverse consequences on peace. Perhaps in Palestine the situation is worst. A report released in August by the International Council on Monuments and Sites, in Palestine, or Icomos, stated that Israeli bulldozers flattened 300-year-old Mamluk-era houses in Hebron''s Old City in order to build the city''s minority of Jewish settlers a road through the town. This was despite almost two years of legal delays and a court-ordered reduction in the number of historic buildings slated for destruction. Five other Mamluk-era houses were also damaged.
Bush throws the spanner
By Ibrahim Nafie, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/22/2004
Sharon again plays ventriloquist with Bush as his dummy -- In spite of the profound grief that gripped Palestinians at the death of Yasser Arafat Palestinian leaders have handled this period of transition admirably. As stipulated by the Palestinian constitution the speaker of the Legislative Council, Rouhi Fattouh, is serving acting PA president while presidential elections are organised. The Fatah leadership has been handed to the movement''s political bureau chief Farouk Qaddumi, the PLO chairmanship to Mahmoud Abbas and the directorship of the National Security Council to Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei. In addition, Abbas has set into motion a dialogue with the various Palestinian factions with the purpose of reaching agreement on a framework for formulating a collective national vision for the peace process, and officials from across the Palestinian political spectrum have expressed their determination to maintain law and order and undertake their part in promoting the resumption of negotiations within the framework of the roadmap. Then President Bush cast a pall over these encouraging signs during a joint press conference with British Prime Minister Tony Blair on 12 November. A Palestinian state might just possibly see the light of day by the end of his second term, he said, and then only if the Palestinians establish a democratic system that fights "terrorism" in Palestine. Bush''s statements, in effect a rebuff to Blair''s call for an international conference on peace in the Middle East in spring 2005, mark an enormous backtrack on his pledge of June 2002 to create an independent Palestinian state by 2005. The plan he unveiled to achieve this end was the roadmap. Not that the plan ever got on to the road. Sharon dug in his heels and only acquiesced to the plan after inserting 14 "reservations". Then he convinced the US administration that all the problems on the Palestinian- Israeli track boiled down to a single individual -- Arafat -- and that as long as Arafat held any power there would be no point continuing peace efforts.
A collective sigh
By Dina Ezzat, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/18/2004
Relief is perhaps the best way to describe the private reaction of most Arab officials to the sudden and somewhat ambiguous death of Yasser Arafat, the icon of the Palestinian struggle for the past 40 years. In public, before their own constituencies, these same officials laid on what they felt obliged to provide: a red carpet funeral. Most major Arab leaders and senior representatives were on hand in Cairo to pay their last, and somewhat belated respects to a man they had largely forgotten during his nearly three-year siege in Ramallah. But beyond the honours of a brief state funeral, Arafat received very little recognition from his fellow Arab leaders. Official statements eulogising the Palestinian leader sounded more like a simple notification of another death, rather than any genuine outpouring of grief at the loss of a revolutionary hero. At the Cairo headquarters of the Arab League, a two-hour ceremony was held to collectively eulogise Arafat, in response to a request circulated by the Palestinian permanent mission in Cairo and strongly supported by Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa. But once the ceremonies had ended, there was hardly any further mention of him. Instead, Arab capitals began talking about the need to "capture the moment" and "seize the opportunity" to get the US to start moving on the Palestinian-Israeli front. In addition, papers are already being drafted in at least a couple of Arab capitals to be presented at a Barcelona process foreign ministers'' meeting in The Netherlands, the current rotating chair of the European Union, in the hope of instilling new momentum into the peace process.
The Panic
By Liat Weingart, Electronic Intifada 11/22/2004
We''re in a time of transition. Yasser Arafat died right after Kerry lost the presidential election. The opposition to the Presbyterian Church''s decision to investigate selective divestment from companies doing business with Israel''s occupation is growing. And support of them is growing. Meanwhile, Mustafa Barghouti has called for sanctions against Israel, and the Somerville, Mass. Board of Aldermen is debating divestment. It''s a time that calls for clearheadedness. New things are happening, and we need to be prepared to create new strategies. In the midst of all this, two extraordinary Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) women have snapped me out of my sense of the normalcy of violence in Palestine. They''ve reminded me over and over again that, though we didn''t think it could possibly get worse, it is. They''ve reconnected me to my sense of horror and desperation and urgency, and they''ve forced me to stare it in the face, rather than run from it. Frankly, I''d rather run away from the fact that my Palestinian friend''s 10 year old son was taken into a room alone with two Israeli soldiers at the airport and interrogated. I''d rather run away from the recent report that Palestinian men were lined up and shot "execution style." I want no part of it, and yet I am a part of it.
Adventure Capitalism
By Greg Palast, OneWorldIraq 11/22/2004
Why were Iraqi elections delayed? Why was Jay Garner fired? Why are our troops still there? Investigative reporter Palast uncovers new documents that answer these questions and more about the Bush administration’s grand designs on Iraq. Like everything else issued during this administration, the plan to overhaul the Iraqi economy has corporate lobbyist fingerprints all over it. You expected the oil industry lobbyists, but Grover Norquist? In February 2003, a month before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, a 101-page document came my way from somewhere within the U.S. State Department. Titled pleasantly, "Moving the Iraqi Economy from Recovery to Growth," it was part of a larger under-wraps program called "The Iraq Strategy." The Economy Plan goes boldly where no invasion plan has gone before: the complete rewrite, it says, of a conquered state''s "policies, laws and regulations." Here''s what you''ll find in the Plan: A highly detailed program, begun years before the tanks rolled, for imposing a new regime of low taxes on big business, and quick sales of Iraq''s banks and bridges—in fact, "ALL state enterprises"—to foreign operators. There''s more in the Plan, part of which became public when the State Department hired consulting firm to track the progress of the Iraq makeover. Example: This is likely history''s first military assault plan appended to a program for toughening the target nation''s copyright laws.
Questions of chaos
By Azmi Bishara, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/18/2004
As Bush and Blair reaffirm their commitment to solving the Palestinian question, Azmi Bishara finds himself in a perfect piece of Becket -- Democracy, as an idea and practice, has never been as thoroughly abused as it is these days by Britain and its colonial offshoots, the US and Australia, in their handling of Palestine and Iraq. Against the backdrop of fire and smoke rising from Falluja and the tumultuous funeral ceremonies for Arafat in Palestine, Bush''s and Blair''s joint press conference on 12 November was quintessential Samuel Becket. It makes for an excellent introduction to the theatre of the absurd, if you can last it out all the way from Bush''s opening remarks, "Thank you very much. Prime Minister Tony, as I like to call you, thanks for coming. It''s great to see you. Me and Laura are delighted to welcome you back to the White House again," to his closing, "Good job, Mr Prime Minister!" After such a conference any one of good will would have to admit that the Palestinian people are not to blame for their plight. True, they have made many mistakes, there has been chaos and in recent days we have almost drowned beneath a heap of lies. But this does not diminish the enormity of a plight that has become so inextricably entangled in the international situation, the Jewish question and the likes of Bush sitting in the Oval Office.
The PLO is his life''s work
By Yair Ettinger, Ha''aretz 11/18/2004
"I don''t feel that the Palestinians in the territories are my society; I don''t feel that the Arabs in Israel are my society. I don''t feel that the Jews in Israel are my society. So go define me. After 40 years sitting on the line, you want to change things now? I should change? Is it possible to change? I''ve already gotten past that stage." Still were there some way to define Sabri Jiryis, it would be with the concepts of internal conflict. On the outside, he looks confident, a man with a presence. His voice roars melodiously, his style is articulate and penetrating. He may not look like a man of two minds, but when it comes to internal conflict, he has a lot to say. Some of his conflicts are embodied in symbolic or tangible form: struggles between the Palestinian diasporas, between organizations in the territories or armed groups in Fatah, between citizens of Israel, between Arab and Hebrew cultures, between Israelis and Palestinians. "I deal with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an entity in its own right. It is very much a part of me, but for me it is seemingly disconnected from the individuals that people it, that give it existence," he said last week at a meeting in Haifa. Jiryis, 66, is first and foremost a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization, a Palestinian patriot who chose to link his fate with that of Yasser Arafat and the Beirut and Tunis leadership. The PLO is his life''s work. He followed it from Israel to Lebanon, Tunisia and then Cyprus, before finally returning to Israel and the West Bank.
Calls for a nuclear all clear
By Yossi Melman, Ha''aretz 11/19/2004
For years, historians and analysts throughout the world have claimed that Israel has acquired nuclear weapons more as a result of the trauma of the Holocaust than as a strategic move intended to create a balance of power in the region and deter the Arab world. Last week, for perhaps the first time in public, in front of an Israeli audience, this theory received some surprising reinforcement. During a day-long conference run by the Israel Atomic Energy Commission (IAEC), which has been assigned overall responsibility for Israel''s nuclear project. The conference was held at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev in memory of Prof. Ze''ev (Venia) Hadari, who, motivated by the lessons of the Holocaust, was one of the most enthusiastic supporters of pursuing the nuclear option and one of the founding fathers of the nuclear reactor in Dimona. One of the issues that particularly concerns the IAEC is the reactor''s physical safety in light of its advanced age. A reactor of the type in Dimona is supposed to be shut down after 40 years. It is already more than 40 years old. But IAEC director general Gideon Frank said the United States authorities allow the lives of old reactors to be extended by another 20 years after they are overhauled and upgraded.
Amnesty International: a false beacon
By Paul de Rooij, Alternative Information Center 10/28/2004
Given the current escalation of Israeli depredations in Gaza and the daily US bombings of Falluja, it is interesting to examine Amnesty International’s (AI) statements on the situation. AI is widely viewed as an authority on human rights issues, and thus it is of interest to analyze its output on these recent events. Careful scrutiny of AI’s record reveals that, its typical response to the daily obscene deeds by either Israeli or US armies is a few barely audible ruminations with an occasional lame rebuke. The impotence of these responses raises many questions. Occupation with human rights? Consider the title of a recent press release: “Israeli army must respect human rights in its operations” [1]. According to AI, the Israeli depredations on occupied land are acceptable as long as they “respect” human rights. This is analogous to recommending that a rapist should practice safe sex [2]. It is also difficult to imagine that a military occupation could ever be imposed while observing “human rights”. Consider the context. During September 2004 the Israeli army killed on average 3.7 Palestinians per day; it injured an average of 19.3 p/day; it demolished many houses affecting the lives of thousands; it has transformed vast areas of Gaza into a denuded moonscape. It is also clear that these gruesome statistics will be worse in October. The Israeli Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz openly states that the Palestinians should be punished, and the measures advocated entail collective punishment. The entire Palestinian population is taken hostage; pressure is exerted on them as a whole. Ethnic Cleansing is on going, and the construction of the grotesque wall stands as proof of the criminality of this policy.
Israel''s democratic dilemma
By Khaled Amayreh, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/18/2004
Free and fair elections? Israel will do its very best to stop them -- In the flood of statements made by Israeli officials following the death of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat only one thing has emerged clearly and that is Israeli ambivalence over the holding of free and fair elections to select a new Palestinian leadership. With Israel occupying most of the West Bank and controlling Gaza Strip those elections will have to be organised in the shadow of Israeli tanks while those on the campaign trail will have to negotiate the ubiquitous Israeli road blocks. It is hardly a situation conducive to the exercise of democracy. Palestinian and Israeli observers agree that Arafat''s death, long wished by Sharon and his right-wing allies, especially the powerful military establishment, has created a sizeable dilemma for the Israeli government. "Israel has been telling the world for years that Arafat is the main obstacle to peace. Now Arafat is dead, which means that the main obstacle to peace has been removed. So logically Israel should now be moving forwards along the path of peace," says Ramallah-based columnist and political analyst Samih Shabib. "But this won''t happen, not in any meaningful way. Sharon and his government will clutch at another excuse. The real issue is not this or that leader but Israel''s refusal to come to terms with Palestinian rights. Israel prefers land over peace and this is what the international community will increasingly come to understand."
From Hebron to Tel Aviv
By Joe Carr, Electronic Intifada 11/17/2004
14 November 2004 - Detained in solidarity -- This morning, I was heading out of the Old City of Al-Khalil (Hebron) for Al-Quds (Jerusalem) when I was stopped by a soldier. It was actually the same Russian woman who was involved in my prior arrest; she smiled at me, asked if I remembered her, and then demanded my passport. Apparently the rumor was going around that I had been deported for terrorist activity after my arrest, so she was probably surprised to see me. CPTers have grown accustomed to just breezing through the Beit Romano Checkpoint in the Old City where we live. We pass through it regularly and usually without question. Some Palestinians who live in the area also have this privilege once the soldiers recognize them, however they are sometimes subject to detention and harassment. When the solider took my passport and ordered me to sit on the curb, I thought of the dozens of Palestinians I see detained here daily, and I sat down without argument. It was annoying to have my trip delayed, but I was glad to have a better understanding of what Palestinians go through every day, and I remembered how much better my worst-case scenario would be if the detention ended in arrest. The two CPTers I was with observed the situation and I felt even safer. I looked around for a stray cat to play with, but none were near. I was isolated, sitting on a hard curb, at the mercy of soldiers younger than me. This is solidarity.
UN 1559: Beirut, Damascus court danger in missing the context
Editorial, Daily Star 11/19/2004
UN Security Council Resolution 1559, passed in September and calling for Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity, will not go away. However, the reactions of the Lebanese and Syrian governments thus far tend to indicate they believe it might. What gives rise to concern is the apparent lack of understanding of what is happening, and underpinning this head-in-the-sand approach on the part of Beirut and Damascus is the attention paid to the items of 1559 at the expense of its context. Indeed, they have only reacted to its content and have completely and utterly missed its political context. That context is, simply, a political process that is bringing together an international alliance opposed to Syria''s presence in and influence over Lebanon. Europe, led by the French on the one hand, and the United States on the other hand, are joining forces in a way that is surprising considering their cool relations caused by French dissent over the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003. The national security advisers of presidents Jacques Chirac and George W. Bush - Maurice (Sherpa) Gourdaultmontagne and Condoleeza Rice, respectively - seem to have coordinated their respective positions and, after the upcoming rounds of high-level Western diplomatic gatherings, they are positions that will be more definitive than we''ve hitherto seen. Warning bells should be sounding in Beirut and Damascus.
Connecting Refugees: An interview with Karma Nabulsi
By Victor Kattan, Electronic Intifada 11/18/2004
It is 11 November 2004, Abu Ammar is sick, and the phones have been ringing all day. Karma Nabulsi, a Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford University and a former P.L.O. representative, and advisory member of the delegation to the peace process in Washington D.C. 1991-1993, is in demand. The BBC wants her opinion on the latest developments concerning Yasser Arafat, who is lying sick in a hospital bed in Paris. Although Nabulsi keeps abreast of the latest international developments, and does her best to speak up for the Palestinian cause, her P.L.O. days are long over. Instead she is currently embarking on one of the biggest projects of her life called Civitas. Civitas which is pronounced with a strong C is Latin for commonwealth, citizen, city, civic and the common good. Supported by the European Commission of external relations, and run from Nuffield College, Civitas is a study on the channels of communication Palestinian refugees and exiled communities need to communicate effectively with their national and local representatives, international agencies, and refugee communities, using a unique participatory methodology. The idea behind civitas dates back to 1999 at the height of the so-called Oslo "Peace Process" when the refugee question was off the map. This was when Nabulsi and Ernie Ross M.P. came up with the idea of having a cross-parliamentary commission of enquiry into the Palestinian refugee dilemma. Ross took part in the McBride Commission of Enquiry into the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon along with Richard Falk of Princeton University. As Nabulsi told me....
Living their lives as best they can
By Amal Awad, Electronic Intifada 11/17/2004
writing from Jenin area, occupied Palestine -- Following my departure from the bridge, I chatted with my aunt in the taxi and she told me personal news, then started talking generally about the situation in Palestine. The route we were taking to Arrabeh was actually, I found out, forbidden to me since I hold a foreign passport, and not the correct permission. There was a checkpoint on the way and my aunt began saying prayers left right and centre and I thought I was about to implode. Thankfully we were not made to stop; the worst that would happen in any case would be that we would have to turn back and take another route, losing another couple of hours travelling. Yet this was a significant event because it is indicative of the Palestinians'' lifestyle. So much is about where you can or can''t go. The seven days I spent there were extremely enjoyable. My family and the Palestinians I met were so happy to have me there and wanted to tell me all about their experiences (before I even could ask them). I was asked several times if I followed the news, and that I shouldn''t believe everything I hear or read. I told them that I follow different sources, not simply the Western media. Ironically, sometimes they were saying this because they were trying to say that there was nothing to fear. I heard ma fish khawf ("there''s no fear") so many times that week, if I had started a per-mention fund I would be a richer person today! Based on the stories I was told, and what I saw, I feel that these words are untrue. There is certainly much to fear. The situation is unstable and unpredictable. I suspect that their fear is so inherent, so deeply entrenched that it is forgotten. It must be forgotten if they are to continue on with their daily routines.
Towards a New Future
By Khaled Duzdar, Arabic Media Internet Network 11/18/2004
It appears that the Palestinian leadership succession will not take place smoothly as has been hoped for. The first signs of a possibly violent future, as a result of the multiplicity of factions within the Palestinian political arena, and the disagreement between Fatah and the opposition, have already shown that any successor that emerges has inherited a swamp of tremendous problems. The shooting inside the condolence tent in Gaza, regardless of whether it was an attempt to assassinate Abu Mazen or an act meant to frighten, or simply to show who has real power; it was a clear threat for a very uncertain future. The different statements from the various echelons and militias together with the general environment of threats emanating from almost everywhere regarding those who plan to take the law into their own hands, suggest that the new era may be controlled by all kinds of warlords. The pre-eminent figure for the new Palestinian leader appears to be Abu Mazen. He has to consolidate his power and legitimacy. But are we seeking a new leader with total power? The new leadership needs to establish a new basis of trust with the public. Would it be the right policy to look for a succession within a system of autocracy? The call by some Palestinian factions for a "united national leadership" or even trying to suggest a "presidential authoritarianism" is a retreat to the sixties of the last century, and an obstruction to democracy. Such a step would not serve the Palestinians and their future strategy. Are we witnessing a turning point as many had early predicted? The single leader model will not be what is needed. The transition must be to real democracy and not a de-facto autocracy.
Hebron: The Street
Arabic Media Internet Network 11/17/2004
A few months ago walking along Al-Shuhada street in Hebron on a Saturday morning, it was the Mizrahi Jew among us who was asked to stand against the wall and be patted down by security forces. It didn’t take long to be asked for our ID. Not far from there, a lineup of Palestinians was standing by a makeshift checkpoint across the road from the Old City waiting for approval from the Shin Bet security forces to authorize their right to walk across the street. They were eventually allowed through, but on other days they would have had to wait over an hour and pay the Taxi driver more money than they have. In the Occupied Territories, one gets used to the military presence, but here, it''s as if their fingers are on the triggers of their Kalashnikovs. They may not call it Apartheid, but it sure looks a lot like it. Here, people talk about the "the land of our people," divine right and promised lands rather than peace or international law. It is the language that reigns here. It''s a simulated reality - as if one is walking on a film set. It lacks authenticity, the kind of boisterous street life that should come naturally to a community and a city where life is normal. In 2002 the Israeli army fenced off Al-Shuhada Street, not even allowing Palestinian children the right to cross the street to go to school. Gates were set up on the eastern exits to the city. All access to the Old City was left to two checkpoints, creating a barrier from East to West. There are now plans to seize Palestinian rooftops and set up a new regulatory and permitting regime for residents of the Old City. The planned Wall through Hebron will connect with the Eastern Wall and will begin construction in 2005.
Optimism Unrestrained
By Jonathan Freedland, Miftah 11/17/2004
Blair''s faith that Bush will bring peace to the Middle East is either inspiringly positive or grossly naive. They used to say that the difference between left and right boils down to this: the left holds a fundamentally sunny view of human nature, while the right errs on the side of pessimism. If that''s the key distinction, then here''s some arresting news: Tony Blair is a man of the left. At least as far as the Middle East is concerned. For it''s clear, both from his appearance with President Bush in Washington last week and his Mansion House speech on Monday, that the prime minister views that region with a rare optimism. Despite countless rebuffs and setbacks, and a pile of evidence that would send lesser men reaching for the razor blades, Blair remains brimful of hope. Others might be sceptical, but he is now absolutely convinced that Bush is poised to dedicate the full might of the United States to the pursuit of Middle East peace. Fainter hearts may note that Bush has promised similar resolve before. In April 2003, the president came to Belfast and promised to "expend the same amount of energy in the Middle East" as Blair had in Northern Ireland. He didn''t. Two months later, in Aqaba, Jordan, Bush promised to "ride herd" on Israelis and Palestinians, keeping them in line until they had settled their differences. He didn''t.
After his death, still the occupation
By Amira Hass, Ha''aretz 11/17/2004
On the day that Palestinian Authority chairman Yasser Arafat died, five Palestinians were killed by Israel Defense Forces gunfire. Four of them were killed in the Gaza Strip: three in a dawn raid by tanks and helicopters on a section in southern Gaza, and the fourth because he was moving around, unarmed, in an area "forbidden" to Palestinians. At Beit Omar in the West Bank, a young man was killed by IDF troops who were trying to disperse a procession that was throwing stones and Molotov cocktails. Ten Palestinians were injured in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip by IDF gunfire, among them four children and a woman who was severely wounded. The IDF carried out eight raids on villages and on the homes of various suspects. Twenty-one people were arrested, of them six under the age of 18. In 18 places in the West Bank they were busy building the separation fence; on one village a curfew was imposed. All this is detailed in the daily summary of the Palestine Liberation Organization negotiations unit. During the week that preceded Arafat''s death, seven Palestinians were killed, among them one child. Four of them were killed in a "pinpoint execution" in Jenin, without a fight. Only one was killed in a battle with an IDF unit. Six houses were demolished in Rafah, about 120 dunam of agricultural land were razed, and three houses were demolished in the West Bank in punitive actions. All this is detailed in the weekly report of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights.
Shaima’ Waiting the Return of her Father
International Middle East Media Center, Translatd by Saed Bannoura 11/15/2004
Saturday, October 30, 2004, was supposed to be the most beautiful day of Shima’s life. On this day she refused to go to kindergarten in order to wait for her father who was scheduled to be released from prison. She had spent too many years deprived of his love. Shima’is 5 years old. She woke up very early with a wide smile on her face. “She never stopped talking about him. She spent all night long talking about her father being in administrative detention, and how he will return, and the way her sister and brother in addition to herself will receive him at home at tell him “Happy Eid” after the end of Ramadan,” her mother said. “I want to play with my father, they took him away from us, I want to live as the children in this world do, I want to feel the love of my father,” Shima’said. ....Each time Shima''s father is to be released the Israeli Prison Authorities renew his administrative detention for three or six months. Her mother is unalbe to tell Shima’ when her father will return. Sheikh Khaled has been in “Ofer military detention” for three years. His children are still waiting for him to come home.
Hold elections to usher in a legitimate Palestinian order
By Ali Abunimah, Daily Star 11/18/2004
With Yasser Arafat dead, the first priority for the new Palestinian leadership must be to defend its people against Israel''s relentless colonization and violence, and to avoid negotiating with Israeli guns pointed at Palestinian heads. The new leaders must start by formulating a national strategy to regain Palestinian rights enshrined in United Nations resolutions. They must clearly explain this strategy and organize Palestinians and allies everywhere to struggle for its implementation, starting with an effort to push for full realization of the International Court of Justice''s decision on the West Bank separation wall. Palestinians should seek to emulate the success of the African National Congress that freed South Africans from apartheid rule by confronting and defeating injustice, not by seeking to accommodate it. If the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Authority (PA) can transform themselves to take on this role, they deserve the support of every Palestinian. If, however, they plan to continue as before, they must dissolve. As constituted by the Oslo Accords, the PA harms Palestinian interests because it obscures Israel''s responsibility as the occupying power, without providing even minimal protection for the Palestinian people against Israel''s continuous onslaughts. Its existence has allowed the spurious agenda of "reform" to trump Israel''s obligations under the Geneva Conventions and UN resolutions. Palestinian leaders should no longer accept the responsibility for governing their people on behalf of the occupying power. Israel should bear the full cost of its choices.
Why I fear for the dream of my life
By Abdul Bariatwan, The Guardian 11/14/2004
was born 54 years ago in a refugee camp in Gaza. My parents were illiterate and, like thousands of others, were forced to leave their home town in 1948 to create space for the Jewish immigrants pouring into Palestine from Europe. My parents'' abiding dream was to go back to the farm and mud-brick house in Ashoud, their sleepy home town on the Mediterranean. But they spent their lives in transit, waiting for this dream to come true. Their dream lives on in me and in my children, too. Yasser Arafat worked very hard for 40 years towards the independent Palestinian state he longed for, yet never saw. Despite his mistakes, he brought this dream closer. He brought the Palestinian cause into the global arena and the resolution of this struggle is now of enormous significance in determining the security of the world, not only the Middle East.... ....The US insists it is enabling democracy in Iraq - a benefit that has cost 100 000 lives. If this is the kind of democracy Bush wishes to impose on the Palestinians, we have every reason to be afraid. Very afraid.
Down in the dumps
By Amira Hass, Ha''aretz 11/16/2004
In a garbage dump in a Jewish city in the center of Israel, a group of illegal Palestinian workers has made its home. They live in constant fear of the police and long for the days before the separation fence. Back home, the kids believe Father sleeps in a rented apartment with other relatives, all of them from the same northern West Bank village, all of them working in faraway Israel, all of them coming home once every two weeks. "They welcome us when we come back as if we''d arrived from a different planet." The first thing they do is take a shower; they barely have a chance to see the family, only taking out a little gift or something tasty for the children. They sleep as if they were dead, drink coffee with the grandfather and uncle, and head right back to work the next day. Except that this father, H., so gaunt that he looks older than his 45 years, with only his eyes smiling like a boy''s - lives in a garbage dump, along with 25 or 30 other residents of Palestinian villages. The dump is in the heart of a Jewish city in central Israel, on a plot of land tucked behind factories and warehouses that has gradually become a local garbage dump. The men have built their home in the underground. The walls are piles of garbage, an upside-down, rusted-out car chassis and piles of wood panels; their roof is the sky. At best, they have a canvas sheet stretched overhead.
Play It Again Bush And Blair
By Sam Bahour and Michael, Electronic Intifada 11/15/2004
President Yasir Arafat''s coffin had barely touched the ground of his temporary tomb in Ramallah when United States President George Bush and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair jointly made yet another statement on Middle East Peace. Setting aside the fact that the timing of the statement was disrespectful and showed ignorance of the Islamic custom of observing three days of mourning to respect the dead, Bush and Blair, seemingly jovial over Arafat''s passing, offered yet another non-starter for moving the region from its never-ending peace process to a "lasting peace." It is said that one can fool some of the people, some of the time, but not all the people, all of the time. President Bush and Prime Minister Blair can''t possibly believe Palestinians will fall for the same tricks that have been thrown at them for years now. The substance of the most recent Bush-Blair statement on November 12 is nothing more that an unmasked and feeble attempt to fool all of the Palestinians, yet again.
Sharon''s Gaza Pullout: Not Gonna Happen!
By Tanya Reinhart, Electronic Intifada 11/16/2004
We gather here at difficult times, when it seems that the Palestinian cause has been almost eliminated from the international agenda. The Western world is hailing the new "peace vision" of Sharon''s disengagement plan. The day this plan passed in the Israeli Knesset ("Parliament") last week was hailed by Le Monde as a historical day. Who would pay attention to the two line news piece that on that same day, the Israeli army killed 16 Palestinians in Khan Younis? It is pretty much known even in the West that Sharon''s plan is not about ending the occupation. With regard to the Gaza Strip, the disengagement plan published in the Israeli papers on Friday, April 16, specifies that "Israel will supervise and guard the external envelope on land, will maintain exclusive control in the air space of Gaza, and will continue to conduct military activities in the sea space of the Gaza Strip". In other words, the Palestinians will be imprisoned from all sides, with no connection to the world, except through Israel. Israel also reserves for itself the right to act militarily inside the Gaza Strip. In return for this "concession", Israel would be permitted to complete the wall and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is. The innovation in the Bush-Sharon agreement that approved this plan is that this is not a proposal awaiting the approval of the Palestinian people. Now the Palestinians are not even asked. It is Israel and the U.S. who are determining the facts on the ground. Israel marks the land that it desires, and builds a wall on that route.
Valley of Fire
By Samia A. Halaby, Electronic Intifada 11/15/2004
From Qalandia checkpoint, occupied West Bank -- I am thirsty, sitting here in the wrong corner of the ''service'' (pronounced ''serveece'') taxi. It is hot. The seat belt is tight, scratching my neck. I am sweating. The sun is beating down on me. I am hungry. My mind meanders, searching various avenues of escape. Could I walk through the checkpoint, leaving my fellow Palestinians behind? Would I find a car on the other side? Could I pay a sum to a private car waiting in line on the other side of the dead, closed closure point? Could I persuade someone to leave the line and turn around and take me to my destination? A dog, female, thin, bony, teats shaped by puppies sucking at them, walks in the sun searching for food and water. She looks worse than I feel. I immediately begin to think of the wounds left by attacking dogs on the body of a boy who was shot by Israelis. I think those Israelis, emotionally and mentally twisted by the torture they apply and enjoy, who set their dogs to attack the boy they wounded. I remember the boy''s father telling us his story at Aida refugee camp and the boy showing his many scars -- the boy refusing to be interviewed because the bullet they shot in his brain left damage. It serves me right that at Qalandia I accidentally took the "service" without checking if it was going the road of the Arabs or the road of the "ajaaneb" (foreigners). I failed to check if the van had a white or a yellow license. Taking the road for Arabs means much more time and the added agony of another closure point. Then I think that lets me see more fully what it is like to be tortured like other Palestinians. I am angry with myself for making this mistake which teaches me how little I still know of what life is like here in the West Bank for Palestinians living under Israeli occupation and fascism.
I am so sorry, Yasser
By Ahmed Amr, Arabic Media Internet Network 11/13/2004
In death, as in life, Yasser Arafat lit the flames of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and dignity. If he did nothing else – he made certain that the Palestinian struggle for liberty and justice would be taken seriously by the rest of the world. When Golda Meir claimed that “there were no Palestinians” – he proved her wrong. And when Ariel Sharon labeled him ‘irrelevant’ – he demonstrated to the whole world that the Palestinian cause was as central as ever to international peace and security. Arafat’s personal physical courage – even in his old age – was an inspiration to his people. He was free to pack his bags and head for Paris anytime he wanted to. But he chose to endure the last three years of his life as a virtual prisoner of Sharon. It was easy for armchair generals and Arab intellectuals to second-guess Arafat from the comfortable distance of European and Middle Eastern capitals. But Yasser wasn’t running a public relations campaign – he was charting the destiny of his people. I, for one, am guilty of not showing proper respect for the fact that Arafat had earned something no other Palestinian or Arab leader possessed – genuine grass roots popularity among his people. Arafat was obliged to lead a dispossessed people living either in exile or under the iron fist of a brutal Israeli occupation. He had to balance the needs of many constituencies – from urbane Palestinian intellectuals living in comfortable European exile to refugees enduring the privations of horribly over-crowded camps. On his broad shoulders, he carried the burden of the Palestinians in the occupied territories as they confronted home demolitions, Israeli assassination squads and a blockade aimed at humiliating and starving them into submission. He also had to concern himself with the plight of Israeli-Arabs living as second-class citizens in the land of their birth. He had to provide assistance to the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and beyond. And he had to provide his people reason to hope that they would someday reach the Promised Land – and live as an honored people on the sacred soil that their ancestors called home.
Palestinians reach out to their leader for a final embrace
By Jonathan Cook, Electronic Intifada 11/15/2004
With the whole of the West Bank locked down by the Israeli army on the day of Yasser Arafat''s burial, we made our way to Beitunia, the official crossing point into Ramallah from Israel. For Palestinians with Jerusalem IDs, Israel''s Palestinian citizens and foreigners it was the sole gateway to the Muqata''a compound, the place where "Abu Ammar", the Palestinian president, was to be buried. Greeting us at a dusty car park before Beitunia checkpoint was a short khaki-clad soldier, armed with clipboard, called Tali - we knew that because she was wearing a name tag in three languages. She and the other soldiers had also been ordered to take off their helmets and berets and wear instead customer-friendly blue baseball caps bearing the initials MP (presumably short for Military Police). A bus was brought to take us to the checkpoint, its jovial Israeli driver in jeans and T-shirt and driving barefoot. The only clue that he might not be a civilian was an army helmet just visible under his seat. The refurbished checkpoint gave the impression we were about to enter a football match rather than the funeral of a man Israel''s prime minister Ariel Sharon told the world he wished he''d killed long ago. The soldiers gave our passports a cursory glance. On the far side was a large tank of drinking water and, next to it, men and women''s portable toilets. If only crossing an Israeli checkpoint was always like this.
A Man and His People
By Uri Avnery, Palestine Chronicle 11/15/2004
"Arafat’s (and our) tragedy was that whenever he came closer to a peaceful solution, the Israeli governments withdrew from it." Wherever he may be buried when he passes away, the day will come when his remains will be reinterred by a free Palestinian government in the holy shrines in Jerusalem. Yasser Arafat is one of the generation of great leaders who arose after World War II. The stature of a leader is not simply determined by the size of his achievements, but also by the size of the obstacles he had to overcome. In this respect, Arafat has no competitor in the world: no leader of our generation has been called upon to face such cruel tests and to cope with such adversities as he. When he appeared on the stage of history, at the end of the 1950s, his people was close to oblivion. The name Palestine had been eradicated from the map. Israel, Jordan and Egypt had divided the country between them. The world had decided that there was no Palestinian national entity, that the Palestinian people had ceased to exist, like the American Indian nations - if, indeed, it had ever existed at all.
Interview: Harmonising immutable values and ever-changing mechanisms
Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/13/2004
In the fourth and concluding instalment of this year''s "Ramadan Debate" Omayma Abdel-Latif talks to Ahmet Davutoglu, the main ideologue behind Turkey''s unique experience with democratic Islamist government -- With the rise to power of Turkey''s Justice and Development (AK) Party some two years ago, many writers in the West began to praise the Turkish party as an example of a political formation which upholds both Islamic ideals and democratic values. Soon, the AK was being touted as a model which might be emulated in other parts of the Middle East. Ironically, it was thanks to this party with an Islamist orientation that Turkey finally emerged as "a model of democracy". But others argue that the reason why so many US writers are promoting the Turkish model is simply because the US is looking for an America-friendly Islam and the AK party offers a model of what Richard Falk, a Princeton professor, once described as "soft Islam". For Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, chief adviser to Turkish Prime Minister Racep Tayyib Erdogan, such views are irrelevant to the debate dominating the Turkish scene today. "Turkey does not want to be a model for any one," says Davutoglu. "What we do we do for the sake of our own society, because our only source of legitimacy is the people of Turkey."
New York Times coverage of Arafat''s death
By Hugh Sansom, Electronic Intifada 11/13/2004
To the Editor, The New York Times''s coverage of the death of Arafat, particularly with its November 12th Op-Ed essays, exemplifies what is so wrong with American perspectives of the Palestinian struggle for independence. What voices are missing? Palestinian ones. This is the recurring problem of American and European approaches to the Middle East. Arab voices are systematically undervalued, discounted, or actively suppressed -- not just by their own autocrats but also by Westerners claiming to be acting "in Arabs'' best interests", as if the Arabs were children needing a Western parent. Westerners, proud of the rights of nationalism secured for themselves, expressly (often violently) reject them for Arabs. The most glaring example is Palestine, but we have seen it before in Iran, Egypt and elsewhere. The result has been disaster after disaster. But "experts" invariably find reasons why American or Western policy is not the cause, or even a cause.
Peace can''t happen in secret
By David Ignatius, Daily Star 11/13/2004
One of the more improbable chapters in the life of Yasser Arafat was his wink-and-nod understanding with the CIA. In secret, Arafat for the past 30 years allowed his top intelligence officers to maintain regular contact with the agency - even as he publicly continued his defiant and ultimately fruitless quest for a Palestinian state. The intelligence liaison was one of Arafat''s many straddles - a way of playing all possible sides of the game. In the early 1970''s, when the covert relationship with the United States began, he was simultaneously in contact with the CIA and the KGB, and with the radical Egyptians and the conservative Saudis. All these secret machinations didn''t get Arafat much in the end, and maybe that''s the real point: The things that matter most in the modern world are overt actions, not covert ones. I stumbled across the U.S.-PLO contacts more than 20 years ago when I was covering the Middle East for the Wall Street Journal and published an expose in 1983. With Arafat''s passing, perhaps it''s a good time to look back at his secret history. America''s dalliance with Arafat began in late 1969, when the CIA first spotted a promising potential recruit in his Fatah organization, Ali Hassan Salameh, known as Abu Hassan. A CIA case officer in Beirut, Robert Ames, made contact through a Lebanese intermediary, and there was a brief exchange of information. I''m told it was blessed, from the beginning, by Arafat, who wanted to open a channel to the Americans.
Arafat''s legacy must be a Palestinian State
By Pete McCloskey, Daily Star 11/13/2004
Like many great leaders, Yasser Arafat''s true greatness may not be realized for many years. Regretfully, this may also be true of one of his early partners in the efforts to achieve a just peace under U.N. Resolution 242, President George H. W. Bush. That the Oslo Accords came into being was largely due to his leadership and the courage of both men. I first met Arafat in his bunker deep under the streets of Beirut in 1982. At the time, Beirut was under siege by an Israeli army, led by Ariel Sharon. At the urging of myself and other members of Congress, Arafat signed a statement that he would recognize Israel if Israel would agree to a Palestinian state. Some years later, at Arafat''s request, I went to Tunis and took his gift of a Palestinian olivewood, chess-set size rendering of the Last Supper to the first President Bush at the White House, together with a personal note pledging Arafat''s support for the president''s efforts. Those efforts may very well have cost Bush re-election in 1992. He had deeply angered the Zionist community by threatening to withhold $10 billion in aid to Israel unless Israel joined in good faith peace negotiations. He was the first and last president to stand up to Israel''s powerful U.S. lobby.
Who killed Yasser Arafat?
By Ghada Karmi, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/13/2004
The blame is shared by many -- No one knows what ails Yasser Arafat. Rumours are circulating that Israel has poisoned him. The evidence is entirely circumstantial and probably no more than fantasy though, when dealing with Israel, nothing can ever be ruled out. In line with its notorious, longstanding policy to assassinate Palestinian leaders, Israel has repeatedly threatened to kill Arafat. The Financial Times of 6 November reported Palestinian officials had suggested the possibility of poisoning, a view later reiterated by the Palestinian prime minister, Ahmed Qurei. There were unconfirmed reports that the cooks in Arafat''s compound had been questioned. The lack of a diagnosis by the French medical team treating President Arafat is a key factor in fuelling such speculation. In cases like this, as my medical colleagues and I know, a working hypothesis and some detail of symptoms and investigations are usual. But brief, uninformative medical bulletins about his condition since he arrived in Paris are all we have been offered. Why the mystery? The Jerusalem Post reported on 4 November that Uri Dan, a close confidant of Ariel Sharon, has stated that the latter had "eliminated" Yasser Arafat "through his cooks". On 2 November, when Arafat was said to be ill, Israeli intelligence sources announced he had days or maybe weeks to live. Did they know something that no one else did? Internet sources now report that Arafat''s French doctors sent samples of his blood for poison testing -- to US laboratories, according to Al-Quds Al-Arabi of 8 November. At the same time the Nicaraguan leader, Daniel Ortega, announced his belief that Israel had poisoned President Arafat.
History of a siege
By Azmi Bishara, Al-Ahram Weekly on-line 11/13/2004
Arafat''s political death has been announced as often, and as prematurely, as the real thing -- It is difficult to sum up the phase -- let''s call it the Arafat era -- that began with the founding of Fatah, let alone to characterise how this affected the way the PLO was controlled, the type of elite that rose to prominence following 1967 and the type that was ousted. How to explain, in so many words, the meaning of Black September? Or the notion of a sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people? Or the period of Palestinian presence in Lebanon? The Intifada? The PLO''s behaviour as a state before the creation of one? That Arafat''s illness is proving so difficult to diagnose seems somehow fitting for a man whose life has proved equally resistant to definition. Nor has the time yet arrived when this task should be undertaken. There is, however, a pressing need to address the short history and ramifications of the siege that Arafat endured. Since the aim of that siege was nothing less than the political assassination of Arafat, an analysis can illuminate what lies in store during the post-Arafat period. The Palestinian president has been under siege for three years, a period during which he was confined to his headquarters. He was, it was regularly announced, no longer important, a marginal figure out of the loop. Arafat, in a word, had become irrelevant. Yet if this really were the case, why are Israel, the US and others so anxious for him to die that they have already written his obituaries? And how do you explain the paroxysms of alarm expressed by others at the very prospect of his death?
Blaming Arafat for Israel''s torpedoing of Oslo
By Nigel Parry, Electronic Intifada 11/13/2004
With Arafat gone, the television screens of America are filled with "Middle East experts" who tell us that it was Arafat who was the obstacle to peace and that a new dawn is now upon us. Last night on Hardball with Chris Matthews, the host and caption team couldn''t even pronounce or spell the name of guest Palestinian Legislative Council member Hanan Ashrawi, repeatedly referring to her as Ashwari. Commentary from the guests was similarly insightful. Today, MSNBC''s Lester Holt continued the Ashwari mangling and "Terrorism expert" Harvey Kushner ludicrously claimed an Arafat/Al-Qaida link. Switch the channel, no real difference. It was the kind of Middle East coverage that got Bush reelected. I travelled to live and work in Palestine in September 1994, one year after the signing of the Declaration of Principles on the White House lawn. Earlier that year, on July 1st, the exiled Arafat had returned to Gaza to head the nascent Palestinian Authority. Israel still occupied Ramallah, where I lived, and consequently streets were deserted after 8PM out of fear of Israeli patrols. In Gaza, Palestinians had just emerged from seven straight years of a dusk to dawn curfew.
Yasser Arafat, 1929-2004
Obituary, The Electronic Intifada 11/10/2004
10:07PM US Central Time/6:07AM Palestine Time -- Today, Yasser Arafat, Chairman of al-Fatah and the Palestine Liberation Organization and elected President of the Palestinian Authority, died in Paris from complications stemming from a blood disorder at the age of 75. Born Muhammad Abd al-Ra''uf al-Arafat al-Qudwa, Yasser Arafat was related to the Husayni family and had strong family ties to Gaza and Jerusalem. He first became active in Palestinian politics while an engineering student in Cairo in the early 1950s, where he headed the Union of Palestinian Students at Fu''ad I University (now Cairo University) from 1952-1957. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Arafat launched his own contracting firm in Kuwait and quickly prospered. He probably used his personal wealth to launch al-Fatah, the most prominent of a number of exile groups advancing armed struggle as a means of liberating Palestine. For nearly five decades, Yasser Arafat was a larger-than-life figure for those who admired him as well as those who hated and feared him, or, to be more precise, for those who hated and feared the Palestinian view of history, justice, and politics. Since the late 1960s, Arafat was the icon of the Palestinian cause. Like Che Guevara, Arafat''s image on a poster, a T-shirt, or a television screen could convey rich and complex meanings and sentiments across wide and diverse social landscapes. With his trademark black-and-white checkered kuffiyah draped carefully over his shoulder so as to assume the proportions and shape of the map of Palestine, appearances by Arafat were almost always electrifying political events.
The Irony of Arafat
By Sylvia Shihadeh and Robert, CounterPunch 11/11/2004
From Revolutionary to Functionary -- Yasser Arafat died as the leader of a country that does not yet exist, and therein lies the tragic nature of the former leader and the ongoing tragedy of the people of Palestine. Arafat''s passion and commitment helped forge a Palestinian independence movement, putting the dispossession of his people on the political map in a way the world couldn''t ignore. Pundits are talking of him as merely a "symbol," a strategy not only to ignore his real contributions but also to denigrate the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for justice. Arafat had long carried those aspirations, for which he will be remembered. But at a crucial turn, he betrayed both principle and pragmatic politics by accepting the 1993 Oslo agreements, which left him not an independent leader of an emerging state but a subordinate to Israel in charge of policing his own people but with few other powers. The irony of the tragedy is that this fatal mistake is the one thing for which he is lauded in the halls of power in the United States. When people hack through the propaganda that blankets the U.S. public, it becomes clear that the Oslo accords were an instrument of continued Palestinian subjugation; Israeli settlement building in the occupied territories more than doubled, suggesting that Israeli leaders preferred expansionism and were never serious about a just peace based on international law. An Israeli "matrix of control" -- Jewish-only highways and Israeli checkpoints, enforced by an increasingly brutal occupation army -- cut the occupied territories into isolated cantons, undermining the possibility of a functional Palestinian state. Arafat accepted these repressive terms in exchange for being allowed to continue to rule, the most corrupt of bargains.
Palestine Greater Than Arafat
By Sam Bahour, CounterPunch 11/11/2004
Looking to Barghouti -- The Palestinian struggle for freedom and independence is larger than the late President Yasir Arafat. The decades-long symbolism that Arafat embodied should not be underestimated. It is this symbolism that Palestinians are mourning. The substance of Arafat''s symbolism has to do with how it has represented Palestinian nationalism and the five decade struggle for justice for a people that were dispossessed in 1948, militarily occupied in 1967, attacked while in exile in 1970 in Jordan and 1982 in Lebanon, and most recently, battered in their own homes in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. A wide spectrum of opinions about Arafat, the man and the leader, will surely outlive the international flurry of media interest in his death. However, the world must be aware that the Palestinian struggle is beyond any single individual. During the last decade, Yasir Arafat brought to the table something that Israel and the United States could only previously dream about: the single legitimate source for Palestinian political decisions. Through his iron-fisted and highly centralized control of Palestinian decision making bodies, finances and fighters, Arafat was able to coax his people into dealing with a new reality, the Oslo Peace Process, that he hoped would open the door for good faith from Israel and the United States. Arafat hoped that this process would ultimately end in a political solution resulting in two independent states living side by side, Palestine and Israel. History has proven that Israel and the United States had other plans -- the creation of a process that would, in and of itself, become the means as well as the goal. It was a process that would serve as the final nail in the coffin of the legitimate Palestinian demands that international and humanitarian law be applied to their case.
"Columbia Unbecoming" in the clear light of day
By Monique Dols, Electronic Intifada 11/5/2004
Over the past several weeks, claims of intimidation in the department of Middle Eastern and Asian Languages and Cultures (MEALAC) of Columbia University have hit newspapers around the world. Accusations of one-sidedness and anti-Americanism abound. It is all based on a previously unreleased film Columbia Unbecoming, which purports to document inciden |
