US
election
Editorial, Arab
News, November 2,
2002
With only two days
left for polling
in the midterm election,
the US political
scene seems to be
heating up. Until
now the campaign
has been lackluster
and voter apathy
unmistakable in
spite of the high
stakes involved.
President George
W. Bush is now on
a 16-state sweep
to boost Republican
candidates in a
bid to break the
deadlock in the
US Congress. Vice
President Dick Cheney
and first lady Laura
Bush are also on
the campaign trail.
They are all campaigning
with the full awareness
that their party,
Republicans, holds
only a razor-thin
majority in the
Congress, with 223
members to 208 Democrats,
one independent
and three vacancies.
The Senate balance
is even closer,
with Republicans
and Democrats each
holding 49 seats,
one independent
and the vacancy
caused by last week’s
death of Sen. Paul
Wellstone in a plane
crash. With the
Republicans controlling
the House of Representatives
by just six seats,
and the Democrats
controlling the
Senate by one, neither
the Republicans
nor the Democrats
want to leave anything
to chance.
Roadblocks
By Ghassan Khatib,
BitterLemons, October
28, 2002
This new-old American
roadmap begins with
a roadblock of the
kind that Palestinians
are now very familiar
with. Not even two
lines into the document,
there is the attempt
to subordinate a
meaningful political
process to alterations
in the structure
of the Palestinian
leadership. Stage
one of phase one
of the roadmap does
its best to dictate
internal Palestinian
politics, dabbling
in constitutional
change, the appointment
of a prime minister
and other aspects
of political “reform.”
The document also
calls for Legislative
Council elections
without a presidential
vote--an imposed
limit on our democratic
rights and a violation
of the current Palestinian
constitution or
what we call the
Basic Law.
Futile--but
important
By Yossi Alpher,
BitterLemons, October
28, 2002
The road map presented
by the Bush administration
and the Quartet
to Israel and the
Palestinians is
at one and the same
time futile, yet
important. It is
futile because it
is sponsored by
an American president
who is not interested
right now in advancing
an Israeli-Palestinian
peace process. It
was presented to
the emissaries of
a Palestinian leader
who has no realistic
strategy for peace
(or war), who is
relegated by the
document to a ceremonial
role, but who is
not likely to step
aside. And it was
delivered to an
Israeli prime minister
who also has no
realistic strategy
for peace or war
and who, like his
Palestinian counterpart,
has no intention
of following this
or any other internationally
sanctioned road
map.
Where
wild weeds flourish
By Thomas O'Dwyer,
Ha'aretz, November
2, 2002
Tomorrow night,
the voice of President
Hosni Mubarak will
address the Yitzhak
Rabin memorial rally
in central Tel Aviv.
Whatever the respected
Egyptian leader
has to say will
fall mainly on deaf
ears, just as everything
to do with the murder
of the old soldier
of war and peace
has done. The seventh
anniversary of the
assassination on
Monday may not be
a significant one
in cultures that
usually highlight
fives and 10s, but
in one familiar
with the concept
of seven fat years
and seven lean years,
these have been
seven significantly
bad years. The talent
of Rabin, a man
capable of identifying
the correct national
target and heading
straight for it
like an arrow, was
significant in two
areas: accepting
a Palestinian state
as necessary for
the survival of
Israel, and improving
the lot of Israeli
Arabs, as necessary
for the survival
of a democratic,
civilized Israel.
Road
Map
By Hanan Ashrawi,
Palestine Chronicle,
November 1, 2002
RAMALLAH (PC) -
The American-*censored*-Quartet
draft road map for
a permanent two-state
solution to the
Palestinian-Israeli
conflict has already
come up against
its major Israeli
roadblocks. Beyond
Sharon's initial
dismissive attitude,
Israeli responses
have ranged from
a total rejection
of the June 4, 1967
borders, to the
negation of the
establishment of
the Palestinian
state, to the refusal
to cease settlement
activities and dismantle
any settlements,
to the rejection
of any binding timetables,
to the elimination
of any aspect of
monitoring or third
party involvement,
to further demands
and preconditions
specifically designed
to abort the initiative
(including collection
of Palestinian weapons,
arrest of "suspects,"
the total cessation
of "violence," the
political "elimination"
of President Arafat,
comprehensive Palestinian
"reform," among
other dictates).
On
Being a US Citizen
By Chris Meyer,
Palestine Chronicle,
November 1, 2002
ILLINOIS (PC) -
"Among all the things
I'm going to tell
you today about
being a journalist,
all you have to
remember is two
words: governments
lie." - I.
F. Stone: The same
can be said for
being a citizen...
An important corollary
to this, which I
shall call 'Meyer's
Law', states: The
more powerful the
government, the
more it lies. This
poses serious implications
for the citizens
of powerful countries:
Citizens must be
watchful and active
participants of
their governments.
The leaders of powerful
governments must
always be held to
a high standard.
Whenever a government
urges the people
to suspend thought
as in times of war,
suspicions should
be redoubled.
Credible
Or Incredible
By Alden C. Mayfield,
Palestine Chronicle,
November 1, 2002
In Bush’s
UN speech, he argues
that the world "has
been more than patient"
with the Iraqi regime.
It appears that
his patience with
the Israeli regime’s
brutal occupation
is infinite, but
his patience with
the Iraq regime
is an ultimatum
of three weeks or
else the consequences
of war: The issue
of a regime change
in Iraq has preoccupied
the Bush administration
as it seeks to prevent
Iraq from amassing
and using weapons
of mass destruction
(WMD). Such has
been the feverish
and irrational drumbeat
of war in the Bush
administration that
Cheney, Powell,
Rumsfeld, and Rice
have naively argued
that Iraq is within
months of creating
a nuclear bomb and
should be attacked
even if United Nations
weapon inspectors
are invited back
into Iraq. However,
many nations around
the world (except
for Britain and
Israel) argue that
Iraq is not a threat
to other nations
and that its weapons
programme is considerably
less dangerous than
the Bush administration
would have the world
believe. It should
be noted that the
U.S. government
has known for many
years that Iraq
has had chemical
weapons, which the
U.S. generously
supplied during
the Iran-Iraq war.