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Deconstructing
the Roadmap
By Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, Palestine
Chronicle 2003-07-18
Poverty of spirit and moral
obtuseness are the salient characteristics of current Israeli policy vis-à-vis
the Palestinians in the context of the road map. Why else would the government
stage a big show of “dismantling” or “evacuating” settlement
outposts (that are largely vacant and makeshift), then look the other way when
more outposts are established on nearby hilltops? Why else would Sharon urge his
partners in land-theft to continue settlement construction and expansion, but
to do so in silence and in secrecy? Why else would the hundreds of checkposts,
permanent and ad hoc, continue to besiege our towns and villages like a burning
necklace stealthily stealing all our life force, freedom, and vitality? Why else
would the notorious apartheid wall snake its way among our villages and farms
in the north, sucking up all our water, uprooting ancient olive trees, razing
homes to the ground, and spewing out a particularly long-lasting venom in the
belly of the earth as well as in the minds of people? Why else would the abduction
of Palestinians from their own cities and homes continue, while the authorities
“generously” release those captives who had served out most of their
sentences, or had not been sentenced at all, or had been caught trying to stave
off hunger by working in Israel without a permit?
The Main Thing Is to Satisfy Caesar
By Uri Avnery, Arab News 2003-07-21
TEL AVIV, 21 July 2003 — George Caesar, the imperator of the new Rome, likes
Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). He has invited him to the White House and showers him
with compliments. As in ancient Rome, the likes and dislikes of the emperor shape
the policy of the empire. All the ministers, eunuchs, officials, proconsuls and
local rulers act accordingly, while mouthing words of flattery and praising the
wisdom of Caesar, irrespective of whether he is really wise, like Julius Caesar,
stupid like Tiberius or downright mad, like Caligula. Caesar is Caesar. George
Bush is a simple man. His mental world, like a Western, contains good guys and
bad guys. His impressions are personal and come “from the gut”. They
have nothing to do with logic or political analysis. Arafat made Bush angry, he
is a bad guy. Abu Mazen is a good guy, mainly because he is not Arafat. Like King
Herod, who lived in Jerusalem but whose ears picked up the slightest murmur in
Rome, Ariel Sharon listens to every whisper in Washington. In order to influence
Bush, he always has to know exactly which way the wind is blowing. If Bush likes
Abu Mazen, so Sharon, too, likes Abu Mazen. More than that, he lays out a blue-and-white
carpet for him to walk on. He invites him to his Jerusalem office, exchanges smiles
and handshakes over the emblem of the State of Israel, publicly orders his people
to strengthen Abu Mazen in every possible way, watching over him like a good father
over a promising son. But with friends like this, one has no need of enemies.
I would advise Abu Mazen not to turn his back when Sharon is around. Definitely
not.
Imperial Arrogance and the Vile Stereotyping of Arabs
By Edward Said, CounterPunch 2003-07-21
The great modern empires have never been held together only by military power.
Britain ruled the vast territories of India with only a few thousand colonial
officers and a few more thousand troops, many of them Indian. France did the same
in North Africa and Indochina, the Dutch in Indonesia, the Portuguese and Belgians
in Africa. The key element was imperial perspective, that way of looking at a
distant foreign reality by subordinating it in one's gaze, constructing its history
from one's own point of view, seeing its people as subjects whose fate can be
decided by what distant administrators think is best for them. From such willful
perspectives ideas develop, including the theory that imperialism is a benign
and necessary thing. For a while this worked, as many local leaders believed --
mistakenly -- that cooperating with the imperial authority was the only way. But
because the dialectic between the imperial perspective and the local one is adversarial
and impermanent, at some point the conflict between ruler and ruled becomes uncontainable
and breaks out into colonial war, as happened in Algeria and India. We are still
a long way from that moment in American rule over the Arab and Muslim world because,
over the last century, pacification through unpopular local rulers has so far
worked. At least since World War II, American strategic interests in the Middle
East have been, first, to ensure supplies of oil and, second, to guarantee at
enormous cost the strength and domination of Israel over its neighbors. Every
empire, however, tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other empires,
that its mission is not to plunder and control but to educate and liberate. These
ideas are by no means shared by the people who inhabit that empire, but that hasn't
prevented the U.S. propaganda and policy apparatus from imposing its imperial
perspective on Americans, whose sources of information about Arabs and Islam are
woefully inadequate.
Anti-Semitism in Israel
By Ron Csillag, Toronto Star 2003-07-19
Noah Efron grew up in the United States a cosseted Jew. He was innocent of anti-Semitism;
had never experienced a single insult or slur. He was denied nothing because of
his religion. To him, anti-Semitism was "a grand abstraction, like communism."
All that changed when he moved to another country. In his new home, Jews were
depicted in the crudest of stereotypes that had never found public expression
in the U.S. In newspapers, magazines, on TV shows and posters, among politicians,
youth and the intelligentsia, Jews were portrayed as vampires, leeches and apes,
sometimes with hooked noses, warts and stooped backs. They were accused of controlling
the government like a puppeteer. They were presented as lecherous, money-grubbing
parasites and clannish, corrupt fifth-columnists. The ugly imagery was chillingly
reminiscent of Nazi-era depictions of Jews. It's what got Julius Streicher, founder
of the Third Reich newspaper Der Stuermer, hanged at Nuremberg. What was most
disturbing was that this was happening, of all places, in Israel, a land Efron
effusively says "cascades in miracles." "My first encounter with anti-Semitism
was in Israel, and the anti-Semites were my people, my heroes, the people I'd
moved halfway around the world to join. After many years, I had finally seen the
face of anti-Semitism, and it looked surprisingly like my own," writes Efron in
Real Jews: Secular vs. Ultra-Orthodox And The Struggle For Jewish Identity In
Israel (Basic, 2003), a disturbing work that shows the land of milk and honey
tearing itself apart over the very essence of what it means to be a Jew. Many
simply refer to it as Israel's "other war."
The end of the two-state solution?
By Ahmad Samih Khalidi, The Guardian 2003-07-18
The 'separation fence' will begin a new era of Palestinian struggle -- As Tony
Blair entertained Ariel Sharon at No 10 earlier this week, it is possible to imagine
that beyond the polite small talk, Blair was trying to convey his concern about
the need to maintain momentum for the truce that finally launched the Middle East
road map. It is likely Blair urged Sharon to support the reformist Palestinian
government of Mahmoud Abbas; Sharon would have assented, but claimed that further
progress was entirely contingent on the Palestinians performance on security.
For the moment at least, these appear to be the issues. The Palestinians need
a substantial prisoner release and visible changes on the ground, and the Israelis
want to make sure that the Palestinians deliver on security as promised. And,
for the moment, it is not entirely unlikely that both sides will get some (but
not all) of what they need - enough to keep the process afloat for the next few
months such that the prospects of further progress remain alive. But even if this
momentum can be sustained, it will soon roll up against some very hard facts on
the ground. The geo-political map of Palestine is being transformed and with it
the possibility of a resolution based on the idea at the heart of the current
process: partition between "the state of Palestine and the state of Israel living
side by side in peace", according to President Bush's "vision". While the international
community has long believed the national claims of both sides can only be reconciled
through some Solomonic division of land, at different stages each side has been
ambivalent (to say the least) towards the idea that their aspirations have to
be scaled down to a limited territorial base. After decades of rejectionism the
Palestinian mainstream adopted partition in 1988, and the notion of a Palestinian
state in the lands occupied in 1967 (the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza) now
forms the bedrock of Palestinian national aspirations.
Israel, We Bless Thee
Arab News 2003-07-21
Today, while driving through town, I wound up behind a minivan that had a big
sticker on the back. The sticker had an Israeli flag in the middle of it, and
under it the quotation from the book of Genesis that reads "I will bless those
who bless thee." I would like to take this time to list my own reasons for thanking
and blessing Israel, our lone ally in the Middle East, for everything she has
done for us, since I am quite sure most Americans are unaware of just what kind
of friend she has been to us. For extorting from me and my fellow Americans $16,000,000,000.00
a year for the last 4 decades, we bless thee. For taking our most sophisticated
weapons technology and stealing it for yourself without paying the American patent
holders, we bless thee. For taking that high-tech military technology and selling
it to our enemies, such as the Russians and Chinese, thus further endangering
us, we bless thee. For using that weaponry in a sustained attack against a United
States ship, the USS Liberty, in an attempt to sink her, thus preventing US servicemen
from revealing to the rest of the world information concerning the war crimes
they witnessed you commit against Egyptian soldiers in the Sinai Desert during
the Six Day War, we bless thee. For killing 35 and wounding 170 American sailors
aboard the USS Liberty, we bless thee. For bribing the United States government
into covering it up, preventing any justice from being done for the benefit of
the families of the lost sailors - as well as the American People, we bless thee.
Bush's Racial Politics At Home and Abroad
By Cynthia McKinney, CounterPunch 2003-07-20
Time for a New Declaration of Independence -- There has not been an Administration
in recent memory that has stood for so little of what we hold to be self-evident
American truths. Our Declaration of Independence, the founding document of our
Republic, declares that there are certain unalienable rights and that it is the
responsibility of government to protect, preserve, and promote these rights. However,
in the words of its signers, "when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing
invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce [a people to life] under
absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government,
and to provide new Guards for their future security." Today, our young men and
women are in harm's way, facing what we are told to be up to 25 attacks per day.
Already, nearly as many have died in George W. Bush's war as were killed in his
father's. The young men and women who are now parked in the desert sands of Iraq,
appear to have been subjected to deceit by the Bush Administration. One of the
first Executive Orders signed by our President after declaring the War on Terrorism
was to deny our young service men and women their much needed and deserved high
deployment overtime pay. As our young troops and their families deal with the
hardships of deployment for years on end, they won't get the overtime pay that
they were promised and counted on getting. In addition to that, we still have
over 160,000 veterans from the George Bush's Daddy's Gulf War who have not been
adequately treated for their ailments and toxic exposures when they were sent
to fight in 1991. And moreover, as a result of several complaints and lawsuits
filed against the government by our veterans of the First Gulf War, health screenings
were supposed to be given to each and every soldier currently being sent to Iraq.
This time to avoid the excuse that the health conditions were pre-existent. These
health screenings were put in place by law to protect our soldiers in the theatre
of battle.
The Hatred That Grows in an Occupied Land
By Johann Hari, Arab News/The Independent 2003-07-21
LONDON, 21 July 2003 — All my life, the images of the occupation of the
Gaza Strip and the West Bank have flickered on television screens in the corner
of my living room, mostly unwatched and unnoticed. Like most people, I guess,
I can’t remember a time when I honestly felt shocked by them, even when
they showed some nameless, bullet-pierced child. They have always seemed, I’m
ashamed to say, a bit like the weather forecast: predictable, dull, a cue to zap
to another channel. So when this week, for the first time, I visited the occupied
territories — no, to hell with the angry e-mailers, Palestine — I
didn’t expect to feel like I had been kicked in the stomach by the Israeli
Defense Force. Even though I had piously written in defense of a Palestinian state
alongside Israel and against the settlers, I had long ago turned the Palestinian
people in my mind into faceless lumps of suffering putty, an amorphous, bleeding
blob on which to confer occasional pity. So as I was driven toward the huge, snaking
queue of battered cars that waits tetchily in front of the Qalandia roadblock,
the first thing I noticed — stupid, I know — was how familiar they
looked. There is an old lady being pushed in a wheelchair past our car along a
bumpy dust-track. The Israeli soldiers leave the sick waiting for so long at the
checkpoints in hot ambulances that have no air conditioning that the doctors have
no choice but to simply carry, push or drag them to the nearest medical center.
She looks, it strikes me suddenly, quite a lot like my granny.
Criminalizing the Palestinian Solidarity Movement
By Pankaj Mehta, CounterPunch 2003-07-17
Rutgers University will be hosting the Third National Student Conference on the
Palestinian Solidarity Movement October 10-12 in New Brunswick, NJ. While the
University has recognized the conference as an example of student free speech
and freedom of political association, the conference, and its local sponsor, New
Jersey Solidarity -- Activists for the Liberation of Palestine (NJS), are under
attack from various media outlets and state politicians. New Jersey Solidarity
is a grassroots organization dedicated to resistance and action in support of
the Palestinian struggle for justice, national liberation, human rights and self-determination.
The attacks are not confined to merely trying to stop the conference but, instead,
seek to criminalize New Jersey Solidarity and by extension, the Palestinian solidarity
movement as a whole. The goal of the attackers is to equate the Palestinian liberation
struggle with terrorism and label those who support the struggle as terrorist
sympathizers with all the consequences it entails under the Patriot Act. New Jersey's
Governor Jim McGreevey is in the forefront in this regard. The governor's spokesman,
Micah Rasmussen, said the governor finds the group "abhorrent" and has been gathering
information to determine whether or not they have a history of violence. As if
this was not enough, he went on to state that the group did not turn up on lists
of suspected terrorist organizations. (Saturday July 12 Press of Atlantic City).
The implications of the last statement are clear: any group that supports the
Palestinian liberation struggle should be considered a "terrorist" organization.
The Rigged Trade Game
New York Times 2003-07-20
Put simply, the Philippines got taken. A charter member of the World Trade Organization
in 1995, the former American colony dutifully embraced globalization's free-market
gospel over the last decade, opening its economy to foreign trade and investment.
Despite widespread worries about their ability to compete, Filipinos bought the
theory that their farmers' lack of good transportation and high technology would
be balanced out by their cheap labor. The government predicted that access to
world markets would create a net gain of a half-million farming jobs a year, and
improve the country's trade balance. It didn't happen. Small-scale farmers across
the Philippine archipelago have discovered that their competitors in places like
the United States or Europe do not simply have better seeds, fertilizers and equipment.
Their products are also often protected by high tariffs, or underwritten by massive
farm subsidies that make them artificially cheap. No matter how small a wage Filipino
workers are willing to accept, they cannot compete with agribusinesses afloat
on billions of dollars in government welfare. "Farmers in the United States get
help every step of the way," says Rudivico Mamac, a very typical, and very poor,
Filipino sharecropper, whose 12-year-old son is embarrassed that his family cannot
afford to buy him a ballpoint pen or notebooks for school. The same sad story
repeats itself around the globe, as poor countries trying to pull themselves into
the world market come up against the richest nations' insistence on stacking the
deck for their own farmers. President Bush deserves credit for traveling to Africa
and trying to focus attention on that continent's plight. But meanwhile, struggling
African cotton farmers are forced to compete with products from affluent American
agribusinesses whose rock-bottom prices are made possible by as much as $3 billion
in annual subsidies. Sugar producers in Africa are stymied by the European Union's
insistence on subsidizing beet sugar production as part of a wasteful farming-welfare
program that gobbles up half its budget.
"He risked all for others": Tom Hurndall's mother
remembers her son
By Emily Sheffield, Electronic Intifada 2003-07-21
On Friday 11 April, my eldest son, a photojournalist, was shot in the head by
an Israeli soldier. He was trying to protect two young girls in the Israelis'
line of fire in Gaza. He is 21 and now lies in a coma, with severe brain damage.
We know he is not expected to recover and our family are endeavouring to come
to terms with this. Recently, we were able to fly him home from Israel and he
is now in The Royal Free in Hampstead, in a room overlooking London, filled with
photographs of his life. Two large sheets covered in wonderful written messages
from friends hang on the walls. I was at work when I first heard Tom had been
seriously wounded. I'm head of learning support at the Argyle primary school in
Camden. My daughter, Sophie, phoned: a news reporter had called her to ask if
she had been told about her brother. We hadn't appreciated that Tom had gone down
to Rafah in the Gaza Strip that week - we thought he was in a refugee camp in
Jordan. I went into shock. The first thing I did was to call Tom's father, Anthony,
a lawyer, who was in Russia on business. We decided he would fly to Israel the
next day with Billy, our second son, as Tom had been airlifted to Seroka hospital
in Be'er Sheva.
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