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"Because
We Are Jews"
By Rabbi Mordechi Weberman, Arab News, July 5, 2003
There are those who ask us why we march with the Palestinians. Why do we raise
the Palestinian flag? Why do we support the Palestinian cause? “You are
Jews!” they tell us. "What are you doing?" And our response is very simple:
It is precisely because we are Jews that we march with that we march with the
Palestinians and raise their flag! It is precisely because we are Jews that we
are Jews that we demand that the Palestinian peoples be returned to their homes
and properties! Yes, in our Torah we are commanded to be fair. We are called upon
to pursue justice. And, what could be more unjust then the century old attempt
of the Zionist movement to invade an other people's land, to drive them out and
steal their property? The early Zionists proclaimed that they were a people without
a land going to a land without a people. Innocent sounding words. But utterly
and totally untrue. Palestine was a land with a people. A people that were developing
a national consciousness. We have no doubt that would Jewish refugees, have come
to Palestine not with the intention of dominating, not with the intention of making
a Jewish state, not with the intention of dispossessing, not with the intention
of depriving the Palestinians of their basic rights, that they would have been
welcomed by the Palestinians, with the same hospitality that Islamic peoples have
shown Jews throughout history. And we would have lived together as Jews and Muslims
lived before in Palestine in peace and harmony. To our Islamic and Palestinian
friends around the world, please hear our message -- There are Jews around the
world who support your cause. And when we support your cause we do not mean some
partition scheme proposed in 1947 by a UN that had no right to offer it. When
we say support your cause we do not mean the cut off and cut up pieces of the
West Bank offered by Barak at Camp David together with justice for less than 10
% of the refugees. We do not mean anything other than returning the entire land,
including to Jerusalem to Palestinian sovereignty! At that point justice demands
that the Palestinian people should decide if and how many Jews should remain in
the Land. This is the only path to true reconciliation.
Suspicious
Atmosphere
By Abdulwahab Badrakhan, Al-Hayat, July 5, 2003
The first steps of the Roadmap, from limited withdrawals to handing security over
to the Palestinian police, are not enough to clear suspicions. Unfortunately,
regardless of the discussions between government and factions, there is a widespread
impression that something is being cooked behind the scenes. Israelis are known
for not changing their intentions so quickly and easily, even for not changing
them at all. They already believe the land is theirs. So if they return it, they
will have certain conditions which, if they fail to obtain, they believe they'll
have the 'right' to get them their own way. At this stage, the Palestinian security
will still be required to handle the task Israelis were carrying out through assassinations,
air strikes, invasions and planned destruction. The Americans view the success
of this stage as the end of any armed Palestinian operation against the occupation.
Although they might not actually be involved in triggering a Palestinian civil
war, the Israelis are hoping it will happen. The challenge is for the Palestinians
to prove their ability to avoid it. Yes, dialogue is good, and yes, truce is highly
important, but no dialogue can succeed if the Americans and Israelis demand the
dismantlement of certain parties representing a share of the Palestinian society.
In fact, comparable incidents in other countries failed, and when they worked
out, they cost a lot and their repercussions never ceased to affect the society.
With this 'truce,' there is a risk of seeing a Palestinian problem erupt among
the factions. The lack of mutual trust is likely to deepen. The same problems
that existed under the "Authority" before it became a "government" seem to make
another appearance. Some groups still insist on their stances in refusing any
authority or government or any peace negotiations. And even if they do have convincing
arguments, they seem to fail in suggesting a better substitute. No one refuses
the right to fight the occupation, but the facts on the ground impose some compromises,
considering that these groups have probably agreed on a truce based on that fact.
Still, if there is no chance for dismantling some of them, then half solutions
would be harmful.
A
Beginning
Editorial, Arab News, June 30, 2003
Washington’s recent re-engagement in the Middle East has apparently brought
swift dividends. On the table are a pending withdrawal of Israeli troops from
some Palestinian areas and an expected formal announcement of a truce by Palestinian
activists, albeit not all groups, who have agreed to halt attacks against Israel,
at least temporarily. President Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza
Rice continued the United States’ Middle East peace effort yesterday in
talks with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. Rice already reviewed the peace
process with Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas. Their talks on Saturday
covered the final details of a troop pullout from parts of the Gaza Strip and
the West Bank town of Bethlehem. Israel has agreed to stay out of those areas
as long as the Palestinian Authority can maintain security and prevent attacks
against Israelis. In return, Islamic Jihad and Hamas say they are about ready
to announce a three-month truce on such attacks if Israeli halts its raids against
activists. Whatever truce agreement eventually emerges from the discussions, all
are aware that it will not endure without an Israeli withdrawal, an end to the
assassinations of Palestinian political and military leaders, a genuine start
to a halt in further settlement expansion and the release of Palestinian prisoners.
Also, the cease-fire will not be unilateral. If Israel does not accept these Palestinian
conditions, there will be no truce.
Stealing
Territories In Times Of Truce
By Maher Othman, Al-Hayat, July 4, 2003
Is the ongoing peace process, known as the Roadmap, of any use to the Palestinians,
if all Israel leaves for the Palestinian state mentioned in the map only the territories
of the main cities that hinder the Jewish settlements, which are continuously
expanding in Gaza Strip and the West Bank? One might risk saying that the withdrawal
of the Israeli occupation forces from these cities is an advantage that will be
secured thanks to the three-months truce announced by the Palestinians. But Sharon's
government has made it clear that it does not want peace with the Palestinians,
but is seeking to guarantee its surrender with an indirect American approval,
veiled by soft words about a better future for the Palestinians if they "dismantle
the terrorist organizations"! In other words, if they stop resisting the illegal
occupation armed, financed and politically veiled by the U.S. It is to note that,
although the Palestinians have declared a truce, Israel continues perpetrating
war crimes in the occupied Palestinian territories, for it did not freeze the
building of settlements, stopped stealing Palestinian land or destroying their
houses, just as it did not stop controlling their moves. It also pursued its murders
in the Balata refugee camp yesterday and Wednesday night in Qalqiliyah. In both
attacks, two activists of Al Aqsa Brigades related to Fatah were killed. Yesterday,
the occupation forces closed again the Northern-Southern road in Gaza Strip. However,
Israel's most dangerous violation of the international laws and UN resolutions,
especially under Sharon, is the building of the separation wall, which it pretended
was for security purposes, even though it is confiscating thousands of square
meters of fertile Palestinian land. When the U.S. National Security Advisor Condoleezza
Rice discussed with Sharon the issue of the wall upon a Palestinian request, he
was very clear that he was not ready to stop building it, "even though this will
cause a conflict with Washington!" Israel's expansion reached Jerusalem and the
Jordan River it wants to steal its territories.
What
will it cost?
By Avi Temkin, Globes, June 30, 2003
The EU is offering Israel a degree of inclusion in the continent’s open
economy, but the price might be too high. -- Many people have doubtlessly
noticed the unceasing stream of senior US administration officials visiting to
make sure that Israel and the Palestinians understand that the US has an interest
right now in preserving regional peace. At the same time, however, sandwiched
in between the diplomatic visits by US Secretary of State Colin Powell and US
National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice were a number of visits by senior European
Commission officials trying to open a new chapter in relations between Israel
and the European Union (EU). The message borne by the European officials is called
an inclusive Europe, based mostly on a new start in political, but mostly economic,
relations between Israel and the EU. The EU is due absorb 10 new countries in
another 10 months, creating new neighbors on its borders, such as Israel, which
is near Cyprus. The Europeans know that their new neighbors in the Middle East
and Eastern Europe are not always careful about preserving peace and quiet, don’t
always manage their quarrels civilly, and don’t always keep the neighborhood
clean. The European Commission therefore decided that it was about time to do
something to convert its new neighbors more friendly, so that their troubles don’t
spill over into the EU. A few weeks ago, the Commission produced a document outlining
the EU goals for its new neighbors, including Israel. The document stated that
if the neighbors adopt European economic and social legislation and regulations,
the EU would be willing to reward them with a greater degree of access to the
EU internal market.
Identical
U.S. And Israeli Attitude Toward Hamas
Khaled Al Haroub , Al-Hayat, July 5, 2003
According to the International Herald Tribune, the current attitude of the U.S.
administration toward Hamas is identical to that of Israel. Previous American
administrations had kept a distance from the traditional Israeli position, which
regarded Hamas as a terrorist organization. There used to be a distinction between
the military wing of Hamas and the political and civilian wing, which provided
social services to the population (which was also the position of the European
countries). Israel used to exert pressure on the American administrations to have
them endorse its attitude, and to place Hamas on the list of terrorist organizations.
As many analysts maintain, the Bush administration is the "unprecedented Likudist
American copy of the Israeli policy." Over the past years, the American administration
used to press the Palestinian Authority and neighboring Arab countries to exercise
pressure over Hamas to achieve a truce that would give the peace process a chance.
This truce was considered important in order to deny Israel the justification
to carry out oppressive practices against the Palestinian people. As such, the
recent decision by Hamas and Jihad to suspend their operations meant removing
such justifications, and confronting Israel with two options: either to have it
take steps as stipulated in the Roadmap, or create excuses to escape such moves.
Israel chose the second alternative and was immediately supported by the U.S.
Both Israel and the U.S. demanded more than a declaration of truce. They wanted
the disarming and dismantling of Hamas and other opposition Palestinian groups
as a necessary first step in order to proceed with the Roadmap. Yet the Palestinian
organizations will never accept such a demand, and it is unlikely that the Palestinian
Authority will be prepared to enter a military confrontation with them unless
there is a substantial change on the ground that convinces the majority of the
Palestinians. The second major shift in position was the emphasis over the past
few days on the need to dismantle Hamas, and not only to disarm it. The American
position here is most serious because it provides a diplomatic and political cover
to that of Ariel Sharon in rejecting any temporary truce. Three days before Israel
announced its refusal of the Hamas truce, George Bush went as far as blaming European
leaders who had gathered in Washington because of their 'lax' attitude toward
Hamas, and described it as a terrorist organization making no distinction among
its separate wings. More important is that he mentioned twice "dismantling Hamas
is vital for the success of the Roadmap."
Isolating
Jerusalem
By Jonathan Cook, Al-Ahram Weekly On-line, 3 - 9 July 2003
In this third of a four-part series addressing the main points of the Mideast
roadmap, Jonathan Cook focusses on Israel's demographic war over Jerusalem --
History was made last month in Jerusalem's municipal elections when the city elected
its first ultra-Orthodox mayor, Uri Lupolianski, backed by a majority bloc of
religious representatives on the city council. It was an outcome that reflected
two of the key demographic factors that have been shaping life in the city since
the war of 1967, when Israel conquered the West Bank, including the eastern half
of Jerusalem, and began "unifying" the city as its capital. The first was the
decision taken by the Israeli leadership in the aftermath of the war to tighten
its hold on Jerusalem, and the surrounding area, by transforming the city from
a historic and religious symbol for the Jewish people into the concrete heart
of the modern Jewish state, pumping the settlement project deep into the occupied
West Bank. By creating an enlarged "Jewish" Jerusalem that effectively severed
the West Bank in two, Israel was also able to achieve a related goal: to make
dreams of Palestinian statehood unrealisable. The city's gradual metamorphosis
has been effected over decades by encouraging Jewish migration -- particularly
by the ultra-Orthodox -- to the city, including to illegal settlements in occupied
East Jerusalem. The ultra-Orthodox were seen as a powerful tool in this demographic
battle against the Palestinian population, both because of their religious zealotry
and their high birth rates, which closely match those of the Palestinians. To
reinforce this trend, the popular Israeli discourse about Jerusalem concentrated
ever more on the importance of the holy sites being in Jewish hands. The second
demographic factor has been the absence of Jerusalem's Palestinian population
from policy-making in the city. Although a third of potential voters in the municipal
area are Palestinian, they have no representation in the city council and their
voice is silent on decisions made in their name. This impotence is at least partly
self-inflicted: the Palestinian population has refused to legitimise Israel's
illegal annexation of East Jerusalem, or its continuing rule over their lives,
by voting in elections or taking Israeli citizenship. In last month's election
only one Arab candidate stood, though he failed to win enough votes to be elected.
Mistrust
Growing in America
By Adrienne McPhail, Palestine Chronicle, July 4, 2003
"Arab-Americans are a very successful segment of the country. Eighty-two percent
have at least a high school diploma and their average incomes are 22 percent higher
than the US national average .." -- What is it like to be an Arab-American in
the current political and social climate of the United States? I asked that question
of Richard Fawal, the national political director of the Arab-American Institute
in Washington D.C. “The reaction to Sept. 11 has created a level of distrust
between the Arab community and various government agencies,” he said. “We
have received phone calls from Arab-Americans that express a real hesitation to
contact these agencies. We hear comments like ‘I don’t know if I should
go to the FBI with this information. Something could happen, I could get into
trouble’.” He said after Sept. 11 the leadership of both the Arab
and Muslim communities tried to reach out to the administration and were ignored.
“In my opinion, this created this condition of mistrust. The FBI and other
government agencies simply refuse to accept this and other organizations as having
credibility.” The question is why? There are three million Arab-Americans
living in the United States. Their original homelands are 22 Arab countries. The
largest percentage of Arab-Americans are from Lebanon, then Syria, Egypt, Palestine,
Iraq and Jordan. Arab-Americans are a very successful segment of the country.
Eighty-two percent have at least a high school diploma and their average incomes
are 22 percent higher than the US national average. They have different religious
backgrounds too. Forty-two percent are Catholic, 12 percent Protestant, 23 percent
Orthodox (Syrian, Greek, Coptic) and 23 percent Muslim. Although they share a
common language, they have a multitude of different dialects that often make communication
difficult unless they speak English to one another. Some have lived in this country
all their lives, while others have only been in America for a few years. They
are politically active voters and have a record for voting on the issues rather
than by influence. They are split almost evenly between the Democratic and Republican
parties. So why would they need institutions to protect and promote Arab-American
interests, such as the Arab-American Institute and the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination
Committee? The reason is that the current climate in the United States is decidedly
anti-Arab. The Bush administration’s policies and appointments are an on-going
declaration that Arabs and Muslims are being separated from the rest of American
society and are being treated differently.
US
ban on Siniora loses friends, wins enemies
By Adib F. Farha, Daily Star, July 5, 2003
Responding to news that [Lebanon's] Finance Minister Fouad Siniora is now a persona
non grata in the US for allegedly supporting terrorism by making a donation to
an Islamic charity that purportedly finances terrorism, the witty Speaker of the
Parliament Nabih Berri reportedly quipped that he is sure that the charge is unfair
and unfounded. Siniora, infamous for always being on the receiving end as the
state’s tax collector, could not have been on the giving end, according
to Berri, and is, therefore, innocent of the charges against him! However, joking
aside, the charge is serious. Lebanon’s finance minister has actually been
advised by a senior US Embassy official that he should not travel to the US, despite
the fact that he is in possession of a valid US visa. The stated reason is that
because Siniora donated LL1 million to Al-Mabarrat Islamic Charity Society during
an iftar (the fast-breaking meal during the holy month of Ramadan) in 2000, he
has effectively supported terrorism. Siniora’s new classification appears
to be founded on the fact that the charity is headed by Sayyed Mohammed Hussein
Fadlallah, whom the US press repeatedly describes as the “spiritual leader
of Hizbullah.” The underlying “justification” is that Fadlallah
is involved in financing terrorism through funds collected by the charity he heads.
According to the American logic, a contributor to Fadlallah’s charity is,
by definition, a co-financier of terrorism. It did not matter that the charity
is reputed to be one of the most transparent charities in Lebanon, and runs various
educational and social projects that serve thousands of orphans and other needy
Lebanese. It did not matter either that Fadlallah is not on good terms with Hizbullah,
whom the US considers to be a terrorist organization, or with Iran, who is on
the US list of state-sponsors of terrorism. More significantly, it did not seem
to matter to US authorities that Siniora is an ultra-moderate Lebanese official
who espouses all of America’s traditional values. A graduate of the American
University of Beirut and later a lecturer at the same American institution, he
was for many years an executive of Citibank, a bastion of American capitalism.
Since ascending to power as acting finance minister and later finance minister,
he has promoted economic and political policies that exemplify America’s
emphasis on free enterprise, the upholding of human rights, liberal economics,
and espousing freedom.
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