 |
Palestine
to Babylon and back — the refugees, key to peace
Rami G. Khouri, Jordan Times, July 2, 2003
A View from the Fourth Circle -- OTTAWA — I have just finished participating
here in a fascinating three-day workshop devoted to the work of nearly 100 researchers
on the Palestine refugee issue, hosted by Canada's International Development Research
Centre. The gathering was both heartening and troubling for what it revealed about
the gaps that have been closed on the refugee issue and the substantial remaining
distance that separates the two sides. The refugee issue remains the main gap,
and it cannot be left unaddressed any longer, as most peace-making attempts do.
The steady progress being made on implementing the “roadmap” to Palestinian-Israeli
negotiations for peaceful coexistence should be applauded and supported —
but it should not deceive us into a romantic world of make-believe visions. The
hard reality that was confirmed bluntly in the Ottawa sessions is that we can
only expect a comprehensive, stable and enduring Palestinian-Israeli peace accord
when we find a fair resolution to the refugees issue, and such a resolution remains
nowhere in sight in light of present positions, especially in Israel. The Ottawa
sessions were heartening because they reflected the sober and workmanlike new
attitude that seems to define many Palestinians and Israelis. Leading researchers,
politicians and activists on both sides increasingly shun absolutist rhetoric
that negates the other and offers only nonnegotiable demands. Both sides appear
to appreciate the need to make realistic and mutual compromises that would respond
to the core demands of each: Israelis need Arab acknowledgement and recognition
of their country as a permanent, sovereign, predominantly Jewish and accepted
state in the region; the Palestinians need Israeli acknowledgement of Israeli/Zionist
responsibility for their role in the expulsion and exile of the Palestinians in
1947-48, and a sovereign, viable state that allows the Palestinians to live in
normalcy, peace and national integrity.
Border
country
Editorial, The Guardian, July 2, 2003
Israel must not fence Palestine in -- After 1,000 days of violence, and the deaths
of more than 3,000 people, the two traumatised societies of Israel and Palestine
can draw some hope from the political dialogue under way between their leaders
and from a fragile ceasefire. The military occupation and the armed intifada have
killed, to be precise, some 2,400 Palestinians and 700 Israelis, and have left
more than 23,000 Palestinians and 4,800 Israelis wounded. The knock-on cost has
also been far greater on the Palestinian than on the Israeli side, as the Gaza
inhabitants who are now returning to their shattered homes and uprooted citrus
groves have discovered. However the sense of confidence and security of ordinary
Israelis has also been shattered by the self-inflicted blows of Ariel Sharon's
hard line. There has been some hopeful movement in the past month, on Mr Sharon's
part as well as by the armed Palestinian organisations, and it is important to
understand why this modest shift has occurred. The conventional explanation (repeated
this week by Jack Straw) is that this is a byproduct of the Iraq war. This is
true, but not because Saddam Hussein had any influence on Hamas or because there
is now a "backlash against terrorism". It is simply because President Bush, having
made war, is now delivering, to some degree, on his promise to promote peace.
It is doubtful whether he really tilted as significantly against Israel at the
Aqaba summit a month ago as the Palestinian leadership, desperate for outside
support, has claimed. Yet during her visit to Israel his national security adviser
Condoleezza Rice has put down a significant marker on one of the most fundamental
issues of the dispute. Ms Rice has criticised the construction of Israel's so-called
"security fence" as problematic, creating political facts on the ground which
will prejudice any eventual agreement. The 350 kilometre-long fence - often a
six-metre high wall - which is described as following the 1967 border, actually
encloses an extra 7% of West Bank territory, entrenching the most important Israeli
settlers' enclaves. In March this year Mr Sharon, after making a secret tour of
the wall, announced a further extension to run the full length of the Jordan valley
which will encroach much further. Yet the road map to which Mr Sharon signed up
at Aqaba commits Israel to a final settlement which will, without qualification,
"end the occupation that began in 1967": his own "reservations" about the road
map do not challenge this point, even though they seek to postpone all discussion
of Jewish settlements in the occupied areas until the final stage.
The
Wall: Its Implications And Dangers
By Azmi Bishara, Al-Hayat, July 3, 2003
Those who want to demonstrate how easy it is to manipulate the lives of people
need only to examine what is taking place in Palestine today, where the route
of a wall decides the fate of an entire population. While the psychological wall
between the occupier and the occupied is all too evident to Palestinian children,
the building of the actual wall is an Israeli trademark that is goes far beyond
the character of the apartheid regime of South Africa. The wall will be 148 kms-long
in its first stage, and 8-meters tall. Work on it started on July 23, 2002 after
it was approved by the Israeli cabinet following the invasion in May 2001. It
turned the occupation into an absolute state. It is an absolute barrier, which
impact will not be tapered by the establishment of a Palestinian state. Even the
truce of 1949, which failed to produce a peaceful settlement, did not cause a
wall or a fence. The wall will change any Palestinian entity into a canton, to
which Israel can shut its door any time. Security experts see the situation of
the closed Gaza area as a successful security experience that needs to be emulated
in the West Bank. The wall will disrupt the lives of 67 Palestinian communities
and it will directly impact their relations with their agricultural land. Fifteen
villages whose agricultural land will remain to the west of the wall will lose
access to their property. The Israelis have promised to maintain "agricultural
gates," to allow the Palestinian farmers to reach and cultivate their land. But
the process will certainly turn into an agonizing experience as the access to
those lands will be subject to permits which the Israelis will issue or deny at
will. The idea is to make it difficult for the Palestinians to reach their land,
and to confiscate it later. The wall will keep 96,500 acres to its west side,
thus separating it from the West Bank. Moreover, the twists and curves of the
wall will include 6550 acres more, while 11,400 acres will be lost in building
the wall itself. In addition, 18 Palestinian population centers will remain to
its west; while 19 more will be squeezed by its curves, restricting totally the
movements of their inhabitants. Unlike the citizens of Jerusalem, they do not
carry Israeli ID cards allowing them to move freely within the Green Line, nor
can they reach the West Bank. And if they do, they cannot return to their homes.
So far, the wall has uprooted 83,000 trees and demolished 35,000 meters of irrigation
pipelines and destroyed 11,400 acres of agricultural land. Also, the wall has
practically annexed into Israel 31 water wells, thus denying the Palestinians
4 million square meters of their water a year.
Tilting
Democrats in the Presidential Race
By Norman Solomon, Arab News, July 3, 2003
Dean is already sending a message to his announced supporters among peace and
social-justice advocates: Thanks, suckers. -- The corporate Democrats who greased
Bill Clinton’s path to the White House are now a bit worried. Their influence
on the party’s presidential nomination process has slipped. But the Democratic
Leadership Council can count on plenty of assistance from mainstream news media.
For several years leading up to 1992, the DLC curried favor with high-profile
political journalists as they repeated the mantra that the Democratic Party needed
to be centrist. Co-founded by Clinton in the mid-1980s, the DLC emphasized catering
to “middle class” Americans — while the organization filled
its coffers with funding from such non-middle-class bastions as the top echelons
of corporate outfits like Arco, Prudential-Bache, Dow Chemical, Georgia Pacific
and Martin Marietta. In a 1992 book, “Who Will Tell the People,” political
analyst William Greider noted that the Democratic Leadership Council’s main
objective was “an attack on the Democratic Party’s core constituencies
— labor, schoolteachers, women’s rights groups, peace and disarmament
activists, the racial minorities and supporters of affirmative action.”
During the eight years that followed, President Clinton “moderately”
shafted many of those constituencies. Clinton proved to be a political survivor.
But his presidency led to the destruction of Democratic majorities in both the
House and Senate. Now, the Los Angeles Times reported in late June, “the
centrist ‘New Democrat’ movement is struggling to maintain its influence
in the party as the 2004 presidential race accelerates.” DLC stalwart Sen.
Joe Lieberman is getting nowhere. Other DLC-friendly candidates, such as Sens.
John Kerry and John Edwards, are hardly catching fire. A recent memo by a pair
of DLC honchos, Al From and Bruce Reed, linked the party’s progressive-leaning
activists with “elitist, interest-group liberalism.” The salvo is
laughable. It would be difficult to find any organization of Democrats more deserving
of the “elitist, interest-group” tag than the DLC, which has long
been funded by oil, chemical, insurance and military-contracting corporations
— and has served their interests.
Educate
Congress about the Rachel Corrie Resolution
Action Item, Electronic Intifada/Partners for Peace, July 3, 2003
The Rachel Corrie Resolution (House Concurrent Resolution 111) now has 42 co-sponsors.
But the resolution will continue to languish in the House International Relations
Committee without a continuing groundswell of grassroots support. Rachel Corrie
was killed on March 16, 2003 in the Gaza Strip by an Israeli military bulldozer
while she attempted, non-violently, to protect the home of a Palestinian civilian.
Numerous eyewitnesses stated that the driver definitely knew she was there, but
ran over her anyway. Then, at the end of June, the Israeli military advocate general
closed the file on Rachel's case. In effect, Israel has now cleared Israel of
wrongdoing. The Rachel Corrie Resolution, however, calls for an American investigation
into what took place that day. Yet many members of the House International Relations
Committee show every sign of wavering in their responsibility to support this
courageous young American and her family. The Washington Wednesday coalition is
urging calls to those members of Congress who have not yet co-sponsored the resolution.
Your member of the House of Representatives can be reached at 202-224-2131 or
202-225-3121. TALKING POINTS: An Israeli military bulldozer killed Rachel Corrie
on March 16, 2003. An American investigation is needed as there is ample evidence
that the Israeli investigation whitewashed what happened that day. The Rachel
Corrie Resolution, sponsored by Rep. Brian Baird, is likely to die in committee
unless there is clear support for it from many members of Congress outside the
House International Relations Committee. Some staffers may tell you that their
office is prepared to support the resolution IF it comes to the House floor for
a vote. If so, be prepared to tell the staffer there is a real possibility it
will never even get to the floor without co-sponsorship from that congressional
office.
Who’s
afraid of the deficit?
By Avi Temkin, Globes, July 3, 2003
Here are four people who certainly should be. -- The following is a list of people
who should be particularly concerned about the report published on Tuesday of
a NIS 6.2 billion budget deficit in June. The first, of course, is Minister of
Finance Benjamin Netanyahu. He’s been selling his economic plan all over
the world as perfect solution for Israel’s economic troubles. He told the
BBC that he would turn the Israeli economy around in 12-18 months. He was quoted
in “Business Week” as saying he would cause a new and miraculous economic
revolution in Israel. The only one left out of Netanyahu’s calculations
is the Israeli consumer, who is unimpressed, at least for now, by his promise
to achieve economic recovery within a short span of time. Private consumption
is not recovering, and the resulting fall in tax revenues is enlarging the budget
deficit. The Ministry of Finance is trying to excuse the exceptionally high June
deficit by citing the particularly large interest payments (NIS 5 billion). Reading
between the lines, however, it’s clear that the Ministry of Finance budgets
division and accountant general staff will also have to cope with lower tax revenues
and higher deficits in the coming months. High on the list should also be Israel
Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Moshe Yaalon and Minister of Defense Shaul
Mofaz. It’s already obvious that in order to meet the deficit target commitments
to the US, 2004 government spending will have to be cut substantially. The only
candidate to supply the money needed to cover the gaping hole is the defense budget.
Whether they like it or not, government ministers will have to decide in the next
few months between the demands of the Ministry of Finance and those of the Ministry
of Defense. As usual, the final decision will be left to Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon. So far, Sharon has usually sided with the Ministry of Defense, but it’s
easy to see that with no other budgetary source available, any additional cut
will have to come from the sources available to the army. Next on the list should
be Governor of the Bank of Israel David Klein. He has been lowering the interest
rate very gradually for several months, while keeping a watchful eye on the budget.
If he sees that the budget deficit is larger than he had anticipated, or if the
2004 deficit shapes up as larger than planned, Klein will have to decide whether
or not to continue cutting the interest rate.
Plight
of Iraqi Jews merits urgent attention
Editorial, Daily Star, July 3, 2003
Among Iraq’s myriad other problems, the country’s tiny Jewish community
is living in fear. The anarchy engendered by the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s
regime has robbed all Iraqis of whatever sense of security they had previously,
and the Jews’ infinitesimal numbers make them especially vulnerable. This
state of affairs is unacceptable, and it is not for the US-led occupation authorities
to remedy it. It is for Iraqis themselves to disprove notions of Muslim intolerance
by treating the Jews among them as what they are: citizens of Iraq who happen
to practice a minority faith. Primary moral responsibility for the welfare of
Iraqi Jewry rests with the influential figures who lead the country’s majority
Islamic communities and nascent political parties. By both word and deed they
should leave no doubt in the minds of their followers and supporters that their
Jewish compatriots deserve the same rights and responsibilities as anyone else.
Friction is inevitable in even homogeneous societies, so the many religions present
in Iraq figure to result in disputes of all sorts. The way to resolve them in
a manner that serves the national interest is to stress the importance of coexistence
over rivalry and refer disagreements to objective adjudication rather than communal
pride. The protection of Judaism and those who practice it should be an immediate
priority because the last 50 years demonstrate vividly the extent to which the
Zionist lobby in Washington and elsewhere is willing to profit from and
even to help foment mistreatment of Jews in any form in order to further
its extremist agenda. In no way would such a policy be a break with Islamic history.
Wherever and whenever Muslim civilizations have experienced “golden ages,”
the common denominator has been an emphasis on justice that served to protect
minorities and therefore to help them contribute to the greater good. No objective
reading of Islam can fail to acknowledge the respect it accords to all human life,
the high regard with which it views freedom from fear, the care with which it
recognizes the right to privacy, and the importance it attaches to the inviolability
of property.
The
High Court and fear of return
By Meron Benvenisti, Haaretz, July 3, 2003
A few days ago, yet another round came to an end in the struggle of the people
of Ikrit, who have been fighting for more than half a century to return to their
demolished village. The High Court turned down their petition and ruled that the
state's position, which rejects their return, touches on affairs in which the
government has great latitude "and the arena of reasonableness granted to it is
very broad." The government's position was expressed in October 2001: "The issue
of the refugees and the Arab demand to return the refugees came up intensively
at the Camp David talks, at Taba, and in the violent wave that followed, and sharpened
the ramifications that could result from a decision on this issue. The precedent
of returning the uprooted to their village will be used for propaganda and political
purposes by the Palestinian Authority ... [and] invite a considerable number of
suits from all those who want to `reopen' the War of Independence and its results."
The High Court therefore relied on reasons of state - or, in the words of the
government, its "broad political considerations" - to reject the petition. The
court even emphasized that, saying "it would be appropriate - if there is a change
in the political situation - to consider another solution that would allow the
petitioners to settle in the same area [as their village]." What is the
connection between the petition by the people of Ikrit and the "right of return?"
The people from Ikrit, by rejecting every offer for compensation or alternative
land and by insisting on the principle of returning to their land, have turned
the matter into a symbol. Thus, they strengthen the government position, which
refers to a precedent that will be followed by more communities of "absent present"
("internal refugees"), who will make similar demands. But the problem of some
200,000 internal refugees, who are citizens of Israel and were uprooted from their
homes between 1947-1952 and remained inside the country, is not about the right
of return, which is presented as a conspiratorial plot to change the demographic
balance and turn the Jewish people into a minority in their homeland. The internal
refugees - including the people of Ikrit - are already Israeli citizens. There
is nothing in the return to their land that would strengthen the demand for a
right of return for Palestinians overseas.
Israel’s
Nuclear Goliath
Special Folder, Islam Online, July 3, 2003
Nuclear weapons remain a key issue governing political rhetoric in the Middle
East. They were the reason given by the United States for 12 year-long sanctions
that suffocated Iraq, and for a war that eventually toppled an ailing regime.
A fact that often escapes observers, however, is that a more pressing nuclear
threat stemming from the Middle East does not come from Iraq or Iran, but from
Israel. Experts worldwide have estimated that Israel possesses up to 200 nuclear
warheads. Yet Israel has refused to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty
and has continually refused to allow international inspection of its nuclear facilities.
It is one of the few, if not the only state that keeps its nuclear goliath in
the closet. Contents of this special report: Israel’s Nuclear Objectives:
Deterrence, Compellence & Hegemony, by Kareem Mahmoud Kamel, 01/08/2002 /
Israel’s Nuclear Parade / The Deadly Arsenal of the Rogue State, By Ebrahim
Mohamed, 26/12/2002 / America and Israel: You and Me Against the World, by Tarek
Kapiel, 26/07/2002 / Israel Severs Ties With BBC Over 'Secret Weapon', news report,
6/30/03 / Israel And U.S. Remain Tight-Lipped On Israel's Nuclear Arsenal, news
report, 3/13/2001 / More Israeli Nuclear Secrets Revealed, news report, 11/27/99
/ Israel Dumps Chemical, Nuclear Waste In West Bank, news report, 3/17/02
Palestinian
Christians ignored
By Sherri Muzher, Jordan Times, July 3, 2003
“YOU MEAN, there are Palestinian Christians?” I am often asked, incredulously
and with a renewed sense of interest in the Middle East. I understand the confusion.
All Arabs are Muslims and all Muslims are Arabs — isn't that the popular
belief? So it's not surprising that many view the current Palestinian-Israeli
conflict as Muslims vs Jews. Unfortunately, there are those who strategically
exploit this lack of knowledge for political gain or to realise “prophecy,”
like Christian Conservative Gary Bauer who organised a letter of warning to President
George Bush. Twenty-two evangelical leaders stated in the May 19 letter that any
attempt to be “evenhanded” between Israel and the Palestinians would
be “morally reprehensible”. A few weeks ago, Rev. Pat Robertson accused
Bush of imperilling Israel with the roadmap, citing the Bible “which speaks
very harshly of those who divide the “Promised Land.” How many potential
Americans believe this? “There are 70 million of us” Reverend Jerry
Falwell explained to CBS' Bob Simon on June 8, 2003, in a segment called “Zion's
Christian Soldiers:. “If there's one thing that brings us together quickly,
it's whenever we begin to detect our government becoming a little anti-Israel.”
Falwell certainly proved his allegiance to Israel when he promised Israel's Benjamin
Netanyahu in 1998 that he and others would mobilise evangelical churches to oppose
steps involving territorial concessions to the Palestinians. Palestinian evangelical
pastors and theologians later responded to Falwell in a Feb. 1, 1998, letter:
“Our task of sharing the love of Christ in this region is becoming increasingly
difficult as our brothers and sisters in the West openly express sentiments and
endorse policies that produce greater injustice and aggression against Palestinian
Christians and Muslims. Ultimately, Falwell can't speak for all evangelical Christians,
but many believe the Bible promised the Jews the entire Holy Land, including the
occupied territories. And some evangelicals also believe the Second Coming of
Christ is contingent upon the full return of Jews to Jerusalem. However, the fact
that Palestinian Christians are united with Muslims in the goal for liberation
proves that the conflict isn't so much religious as it is nationalistic and human.
Palestinian Christians have been among the most fervent players in the battle
against Israeli occupation.
The
Demise of the Roadmap, Part II: Israeli Political Parties
By Brian Wood, Palestine Chronicle, July 2, 2003
It is common to wonder why the latest diplomatic initiative to resolve the Zionist-Palestinian
problem, called the Roadmap, was doused in blood shortly after its release. The
central interpretation of these events, like other initiatives, is that the extremists
don’t want peace and whose only wish in life is to kill. Others see that
the Palestinians really do want to drive the Israelis into the sea. Hamas specifically,
but all Palestinian factions in general, are credited with the title “extremists”
and increasingly, “terrorists.” Below is another interpretation of
events and their significance. Listed are quotes from the official sites of the
Israeli political parties, or from sympathetic sources, with representation in
the current government. As the Roadmap has as its central goal the creation of
a Palestinian state in undetermined areas West of the Jordan River and in the
Gaza Strip, and the cessation of Israeli settlement construction, including ‘natural
growth’, the following political platforms are essential, primary source
material on both the creation of a Palestinian state and settlements in Gaza,
West Bank, and East Jerusalem......Conclusion: Of all the parties listed, only
Meretz is officially opposed to Israeli settlements built on Palestinian territory.
Even the left-leaning party of Shinui, who implies favor towards limited Palestinian
autonomy or even statehood built on isolated cantons, supports the settlements
(most settlers live in what is called ‘settlement blocs’, which the
Shinui party platform states they will not remove)....
Articles
Archives
|
 |