| |
Bush
likes Dahlan, believes Abbas, and has `a problem with Sharon'
By Akiva Eldar, Haaretz, June 10, 2003
A researcher looking at the roots of the change that took place in the spring
of 2003 in the Israel-Palestine-U.S. power balance will no doubt give pause to
examine the interview with former Mossad chief Shabtai Shavit in Yedioth Ahronoth
in the winter of 2001. He promised, "If we get rid of Arafat there won't be anyone
who will fill his shoes as a door-opener to the leaders of the world, and the
Palestinian issue will drop off the international agenda." Shavit, a friend of
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, "revealed" that the shoes of the door-opener are
closed to the moderate Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) "because of his Bahai background,"
with the former top intelligence boss of Israel explaining, "The chances a Bahai
will be leader of the Palestinians are about the same that a Samaritan will be
president of Israel." If Sharon bought that nonsense, then the decision "to get
rid of" Arafat may have been meant to torpedo the Palestinian issue, but in effect
was the first step to putting it back on the international - meaning American
- agenda. The name "Abbas" might be coincidentally the same as the last name of
one of the founders of the Bahai faith, but Abbas is Muslim and the coincidence
didn't prevent Abbas from becoming the Palestinian prime minister. Not only did
the doors of the White House, which had been closed to Yasser Arafat, open to
Abbas, President George W. Bush spent 40 of his precious minutes with Palestinian
Finance Minister Salam Fayyad. And instead of Mahmoud going to the mountain -
Washington - the leader of the free world came to the Middle East to hold a three-way
summit with Abbas and Sharon. According to one of the participants in the three-way
meeting of the delegations, a lot can be learned about the swinging American pendulum
from the Israeli side to the Palestinian side....
Permanent
War and & "The Color Line"
The Black Commentator
"The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line - the relation
of the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the
islands of the sea." - W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk, February, 1903.
-- A young William Edward Burghardt DuBois wrote those words with some measure
of hopefulness, inviting the reader to "behold a century new for the duty and
the deed." The duty was to solve the "problem of the color-line" by decisive deeds.
One hundred years later, the nation in which DuBois experienced "two-ness - an
American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring
ideals in one dark body" - is engaged in a global race war. Dubois would immediately
recognize the white supremacist character of the Bush men's New American Century.
Although only a relatively small group of rich and venal men stand to profit from
the present day Pirates' policy of Permanent War, the project requires the assent
of an imperial-minded majority of white people, collectively demanding their entitlement:
dominion. So it was in 1898, when the "White Fleet" sailed into the harbors of
Manila and Santiago de Cuba. U.S. seizure of Spain's Pacific and Caribbean colonies
benefited urban tenement dwellers and the rural majority of Americans not one
bit. Yet they cheered President McKinley's aggression, romanticized the murder
of a million Filipinos, and gloried vicariously in the subjugation of Cuba. "We"
were a world power - and there was no doubt that "we" meant white America, now
equal to the whites of Europe. President Teddy Roosevelt, owing his job to a media
spectacle on San Juan Hill, sent American warships on a worldwide tour in 1907
designed to "deter" the other major powers, principally Japan. By now, the U.S.
flotilla was called "The Great White Fleet." More cheers from a population that
was already lagging behind Western Europeans in public sector provisions for the
general welfare - yet felt itself far better off, high on white privilege at home
and, suddenly, supremacy in colored lands across the seas as well. McKinley and
Roosevelt both initially claimed to be on a mission to "liberate" Filipinos, Cubans
and Puerto Ricans from Spanish tyranny. White America pretended to believe it.
Black bucks and Indians of the imagination: DuBois saw clearly that racism among
the white masses was the political engine that rich men commandeered for their
own greedy purposes. Yet the motives of the rich did not alter the character of
the carnage committed by the nation on the rich men's behalf: race war. The economic
aspects of the crime took place within the larger context of "the relation of
the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the
islands of the sea." Filipinos fought fiercely for their homeland, knowing not
enough of the Americans to be jealous of their "way of life" and, on most of the
islands, sharing a common Christianity with the invaders. The Americans imagined
that they saw "niggers" and "injuns," the people they loved to hate, as evidenced
by letters compiled by the Anti-Imperialist League in 1899, edited in 1995 by
Jim Zwick. A private in the Utah Battery wrote that "it is not surprising that
the boys should soon adopt 'no quarter' as a motto, and fill the blacks full of
lead before finding out whether or not they are friends or enemies."...
Apocalypse
soon
By Giles Fraser, The Guardian, June 9, 2003
Evangelicals in the US believe there is a biblical basis for opposing the Middle
East road map -- Just as new life is being breathed into the peace process, religious
groups throughout the US are whipping up hostility to the road map. The aim of
the Christian-Jewish "interfaith Zionist leadership summit" held in Washington
last month was "to oppose rewarding murderous Palestinian terrorism with statehood".
Attending the conference were some of the most influential figures of the Christian
right; behind them a whole infrastructure of churches, radio stations and bible
college courses teaching "middle-east history". Since the late 19th century, an
increasing number of fundamentalists have come to believe that the second coming
of Christ is bound up with the political geography of Israel. Forget about the
pre-1967 boundaries; for them the boundaries that count are the ones shown on
maps at the back of the Bible. The acceptance of the state of Israel by the UN
in 1949 brought much excitement to those who believed the second coming was being
prepared for. A similar reaction greeted the Six Day war in 1967. The displacement
of Palestinians mattered little compared with the fulfilment of biblical prophecy.
Writing in Christianity Today immediately after the Six Day war, Billy Graham's
father-in-law, Nelson Bell, claimed the fact that "for the first time in more
than 2,000 years Jerusalem is now completely in the hands of the Jews gives the
student of the Bible a thrill and a renewed faith in its accuracy and validity."
So as the international community withdrew its embassies after the war, and the
UN passed resolution 242 condemning Israel's occupation of the West Bank, the
International Christian Embassy was set up to show support for Israel. Since then
the Christian right has staunchly opposed trading land for peace or any attempt
to broker a settlement by power-sharing arrangements. The destruction of the al-Aqsa
mosque continues to be sought after by both Christian and Jewish fundamentalists.
US churches are encouraged to form links with Jewish settlers via email and to
support them through fundraising....
Who's
Accountable?
By Paul Krugman, New York Times, June 10, 2003
I'll tell you what's outrageous. It's not the fact that people are criticizing
the administration; it's the fact that nobody is being held accountable for misleading
the nation into war. -- The Bush and Blair administrations are trying to
silence critics — many of them current or former intelligence analysts —
who say that they exaggerated the threat from Iraq. Last week a Blair official
accused Britain's intelligence agencies of plotting against the government. (Tony
Blair's government has since apologized for January's "dodgy dossier.") In this
country, Colin Powell has declared that questions about the justification for
war are "outrageous." Yet dishonest salesmanship has been the hallmark of the
Bush administration's approach to domestic policy. And it has become increasingly
clear that the selling of the war with Iraq was no different. For example, look
at the way the administration rhetorically linked Saddam to Sept. 11. As The Associated
Press put it: "The implication from Bush on down was that Saddam supported Osama
bin Laden's network. Iraq and the Sept. 11 attacks frequently were mentioned in
the same sentence, even though officials have no good evidence of such a link."
Not only was there no good evidence: according to The New York Times, captured
leaders of Al Qaeda explicitly told the C.I.A. that they had not been working
with Saddam. Or look at the affair of the infamous "germ warfare" trailers. I
don't know whether those trailers were intended to produce bioweapons or merely
to inflate balloons, as the Iraqis claim — a claim supported by a number
of outside experts. (According to the newspaper The Observer, Britain sold Iraq
a similar system back in 1987.) What is clear is that an initial report concluding
that they were weapons labs was, as one analyst told The Times, "a rushed job
and looks political." President Bush had no business declaring "we have found
the weapons of mass destruction." We can guess how Mr. Bush came to make that
statement. The first teams of analysts told administration officials what they
wanted to hear, doubts were brushed aside, and officials then made public pronouncements
greatly overstating even what the analysts had said. A similar process of cherry-picking,
of choosing and exaggerating intelligence that suited the administration's preconceptions,
unfolded over the issue of W.M.D.'s before the war. Most intelligence professionals
believed that Saddam had some biological and chemical weapons, but they did not
believe that these posed any imminent threat. According to the newspaper The Independent,
a March 2002 report by Britain's Joint Intelligence Committee found no evidence
that Saddam posed a significantly greater threat than in 1991. But such conclusions
weren't acceptable....
Non-theoretical
incitement
By Ze'ev Segal, Haaretz, June 9, 2003
In May 1994 the High Court of Justice rejected a petition against the attorney
general, who had refused to indict Rabbi Shlomo Goren even though he said that
IDF soldiers should refuse orders to evacuate settlements, "because the precept
of settling the land of Israel is equivalent to all the other commandments in
the Torah." The High Court felt that the attorney general's policy of "restraint"
was reasonable, mainly because the matter in question was "future and theoretical,"
in "an egg that had yet to be laid." Since then-prime minister Yitzhak Rabin has
been murdered, and following the assassination, inciteful statements came to light
that preceded the killing and may even have led to it. Now, given the acceptance
of the road map, the Aqaba summit and the announcement that the evacuation of
outposts can be expected in the near future, the matter is no longer in the future
nor theoretical. Statements such as "the name of Rabin Square should be changed
to Rabin and Sharon Square," attributed to extreme right-wing circles, can no
longer be made without a thorough investigation to identify those making them.
The declaration of the Union of Rabbis for the People of Israel that every soldier
in Israel should prevent the evacuation of outposts does not refer to "an unlaid
egg " against which it is better to refrain from activating criminal law because
of the importance of freedom of speech. The words of senior settlement Rabbi Shlomo
Aviner, who said that one who evacuates a settlement and the one who sent him
to do so are in the same category as killers, are no less than a clear hint at
the statement, "If someone comes to kill you, you must act to kill him first,"
which is an encouragement of physical violence. The rule of law and the justice
authorities, without dangerous hesitation, must now prevent what Minister Avigdor
Lieberman has called a civil war. The police and Shin Bet must make special arrangements,
in the spirit of the recommendations of the state commission of inquiry into the
Rabin murder. The Shamgar Commission's report stated that the changing and worsening
circumstances must be constantly reevaluated....
Palestinians
should set election date now
By Volker Perthes, Daily Star, June 10, 2003
With the Sharm el-Sheikh and Aqaba summits, cautious hopes have been nurtured
for the eventual resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab peace
moves, and for the establishment in a foreseeable future of a viable and sovereign
Palestinian state. The US and Europe, Israel, the Palestinian Authority and the
Arab states will all have to play their part in keeping that process on track.
One thing the Palestinian Authority can and should also do to make it credible
is to set a date and prepare for general elections. Remember 1996, when the Palestinians
held their first legislative and presidential elections? There was a sense, at
that time, that a state had been born, or almost. These were, generally speaking,
good elections. International observers had some remarks on the conduct of the
PA and of individual candidates, but overall the elections were considered free
and fair and certainly better than what citizens of most Arab countries are used
to. Yasser Arafat won a landslide victory, as did his party, Fatah, in the legislative
elections. These were honest results. Arafat’s independent contender didn’t
score too badly; and Fatah dissidents, independents, and representatives of other
Palestinian parties gained more than 40 per cent of the seats. Moreover, on the
part of the population, the elections created a sense of ownership of the political
process, and of the institutions of the proto-state in the Gaza Strip and the
West Bank, including East Jerusalem. This was despite the fact that the Israeli
government did not like the idea that the citizens of Arab Jerusalem had their
own, elected representatives in the Palestinian Legislative Council. The council’s
was tied to the dynamics of the negotiations with Israel new elections for
a proper parliament were meant to take place once the interim period was over
and a “final status agreement” had been reached. This should have
been the case in 1999, but it wasn’t. Today, after another four years, both
the 1996 council and the president of the PA are still in office, their mandate
never having been renewed. Realistically, in order to allow for a review of the
Palestinian election law and for a fair campaign, legislative and presidential
elections could be foreseen for October or November....
Right
of return
Editorial, Jordan Times, June 10, 2003
ALTHOUGH THE issue of the return home of Palestinian refugees has been slated
for negotiation during phase three of the roadmap, it is becoming increasingly
pressing due to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's open declaration that not
one single Palestinian refugee will be allowed back to his original home, town
or city. This precipitous posturing on the part of Sharon has led the Palestinian
side to push the right of return forward on the agenda of the peace talks. Meanwhile,
the Israelis and the Palestinians are searching for legal norms or international
decisions to back their respective positions. The Israeli side rests its case
on the proposition that UN General Assembly Resolution 194 was a mere recommendation
that cannot be treated on par with other UN resolutions on the subject. They also
maintain that "the Jewish character of Israel" must be maintained at all costs.
According to Israel, allowing Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return
to their homes in what is now Israel would erode its "Jewishness." Israel also
maintains that neither Security Council Resolution 242 nor the roadmap calls for
the implementation of Resolution 194. While Resolution 242 did not mention Resolution
194 per se, it did not revoke it. The same goes for the roadmap. The call for
a just and practical solution to the Palestinian refugee problem under the roadmap
does not necessarily mean the exclusion of the option to repatriate some of them
at least. As for Israel's insistence on maintaining and sustaining its Jewish
character, it must be pointed out that in contemporary times, the establishment
of states on the basis of religion or ethnicity is no longer tolerated....
Israeli
Government Sabotages Peace Efforts
Editorial, MIFTAH, June 10, 2003
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy
(MIFTAH) strongly condemns Israel’s assassination attempt of a Hamas leader
in Gaza today, and cautions against Sharon’s blatant efforts to sabotage
Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbass’ efforts for peace. Shortly after
midday on Tuesday 10 June 2003, Israeli helicopter gun ships fired approximately
7 rockets at a vehicle carrying Abdel-Aziz Al-Rantisi, Hamas’ top leader
in Gaza, in an apparent assassination attempt at Rantisi’s life. In the
attack, a Palestinian woman and a child were instantly killed, and 27 other bystanders
were injured. Rantisi himself escaped with light injuries. This attack comes at
a time when international efforts, particularly those of the U.S. and President
George W. Bush personally, are focused on establishing calm in the region and
resuming Palestinian-Israeli peace talks. Israel’s policy of assassinating
Palestinian political leaders is a grave violation of international law, and a
direct blow to any efforts for peace. It constitutes a great danger for the prospects
of the ‘roadmap’ and threatens to provoke more violence and fuel an
already volatile situation....
Road
Map to Remote Destination
By David B. Green, MIFTAH, June 10, 2003
JERUSALEM - After last week's drama at the Red Sea summit meetings, those who
still have the patience even to think about the problems of Israelis and Palestinians
may well be wondering: Is peace about to break out? The answer, I'm afraid, is
probably not. This is not to say that important things didn't happen in the weeks
leading up to Sharm el Sheikh and Aqaba, and at the meetings themselves. The Palestinians
have a leader in Mahmoud Abbas, who clearly seems to recognize that nearly three
years of terror have only hurt their cause. And he appears sincere in his attempt
to bring about an end to an intifada of violence. Ariel Sharon, too, has come
a great distance since his January reelection. One of Israel's most indefatigable
warriors has begun using terms never before heard from him, speaking of the need
to end the "occupation," to "divide" the land of Israel, and to ensure that the
emerging Palestinian state has "territorial contiguity." It is likely that none
of this would have happened had not President Bush taken the leap and become personally
involved in trying to facilitate a settlement. That, too, was a change of tack
for which he deserves considerable credit. Why, then, the pessimism? I'll put
aside, for the moment, the severe doubts any Israeli must have about the Palestinian
prime minister's ability to impose a cease-fire on organizations like Hamas and
the Islamic Jihad, or even whether Abu Mazen, as Mr. Abbas is known, has the support
of a majority of his people. I will assume, too, that Mr. Bush is in this to the
bitter end, and will keep the pressure up on both sides....Israel, my country,
has ample reason to doubt the ultimate intentions of the Palestinians, as well
as their ability to put aside violence. But even if the Palestinians have largely
concluded that their homeland must be in their own state, to be established on
the lands that came under Israeli control in June 1967, the Israeli public has
yet to grapple seriously with either the extent or full significance of the settlement
enterprise in those lands. And that makes the prospects for a credible agreement
as remote as ever....
Iraqi
engineers roll in their country’s reconstruction
By Laith Abdul Wahid, Middle East Online, June 10, 2003
Bechtel should give Iraqi engineers the chance to participate in contracts awarded
to companies in Iraq -- To date the giant American construction company Bechtel
has been awarded a preliminary 680 million $US contracts by the American Administration
for the reconstruction of Iraq. Subsequent to its role towards supporting US Aid’s
Iraq Infrastructure Reconstruction they have arranged three meetings to provide
Information on subcontracting and purchasing processes, at regional conferences
held in Washington, D.C. on May 21st, London on May 23rd, and Kuwait City on May
28th. I was to attend the Washington conference, but due to the security circumstances
at the existing time, I had to remain home in Montreal. Bechtel promised to post
the information provided at the conferences, as well as questions asked along
with the responses through their web site. The news that came from the London
conference said that there were about 1000 registered companies from all over
the world including their representatives had attended the meeting. We were not
informed how many Iraqi companies were among those 1000 companies. It was not
a surprise at all to know that all those companies have the desire in the reconstruction
of my country, Iraq. News came later saying that the American administration is
willing to award Egyptian companies subcontracts from Bechtel or other American
companies to compensate Egypt for its economical losses after the war. In addition,
we read that Kuwaiti companies and many other countries around the world as well
as Israeli companies have already made their contacts and some of them have already
been awarded some subcontracts. It is absolutely not my intention to interfere
in neither Bechtel affairs nor how they chose their subcontractors to run their
business. Nevertheless, I feel that I have a responsibility as an Iraqi engineer
to wander about the true opportunity that the Iraqi Engineers may have to participate
in the reconstruction of their country. Are they going to have priority to participate
in this reconstruction as do so many other neighbouring countries currently have
with their citizen, especially in the neighbouring Arab Gulf states?....
Interim
is forever
By Mustafa Barghouti, Al-Ahram Weekly On-line, 5 -11 June 2003
A new Middle East peace initiative is getting underway. But, unless we are careful
we can repeat the mistakes of Oslo -- The sacrifices the Palestinians made during
two intifadas were painful, but without them the Palestinian struggle would not
have emerged from the dark and long tunnel it had been pushed into. Sharon now
recognises the right of the Palestinians to a state of their own. The credit for
such a change of heart should go to Palestinian struggle, to the legendary steadfastness
of millions of our people, in heroic Jenin as in valiant Rafah. Let's recall the
general course of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Thirty years ago, Golda Meir
bragged that no such a thing existed as the Palestinian people. Ten years ago,
Sharon, this unreformed war criminal, claimed that the Palestinian state was in
Jordan, and explored ways to deport the Palestinians or "transfer" them from their
homeland. Today, the Palestinian people have made the world, not just Israel,
recognise their existence. No self-respecting country, official, or intellectual,
can now deny the right of the Palestinians for national independence and a state
of their own. The Palestinian people have won the battle of survival and steadfastness
by refusing to flee in 1967 -- having learned the lesson of 1948. The Palestinians
have earned the right to an independent state thanks to two intifadas during which
over 100,000 of them were killed or wounded. Israel has lost the battle over the
Palestinians' right for independence. So, it is now initiating a final battle,
one in which it is determined to empty independence from all meaning and hand
the Palestinians a collection of cantons or ghettos, dismembered and shorn of
sovereignty, on a mere 42 per cent of the area of the West Bank and Gaza. This
ploy has been tried before, in Oslo, and successfully. The Oslo accords were thrown
out of track. They ended in a charade of partial and transitive agreements. This
gave Israel time and the type of truce it always wanted, a one-sided truce, a
truce during which the Palestinians desist from struggle while Israel continues
to impose the status quo and build more settlements. Over 100 new settlements
have been built, and the previous ones have been doubled in size. This development
triggered the ongoing intifada, in which 2,500 gave their lives, 40,000 were wounded,
and unprecedented destruction of property and infrastructure took place -- all
this just to save the Palestinian cause from the dark tunnel in which it had entered....
Thrills
of the SUV Nation
By Ishmael Reed, CounterPunch, June 9, 2003
Iraqi Slaughter, Mayhem and Plunder -- The reason that a large part of the African-American
public--up to 60%--opposed the war in Iraq, where defense contractors displayed
their latest electronic weaponry, against an army that was supplied with 1917
Soviet rifles, is because many of the scenes that accompanied the slaughter of
hundreds of Iraqi citizens looked familiar to them. Citizens lying on the ground
with M-16s aimed at their heads. Homes broken into and frightened dwellers being
threatened with weapons. (On May 18, The Times reported that an elderly black
woman died from a heart attack after the NYPD burst into her home. They mistakenly
thought that it was a crack operation.) The culture of those regarded as the enemy
disrespected like African-American culture and history are disrespected at home.
Even ridiculed by white American intellectuals and writers, who wish to keep white
Americans and the rest of us in a cultural and intellectual backwoods. For example,
an enterprising journalist managed to arrange a dialogue between American and
Iraqi students. The exchange took place before the war, and was carried on the
World Link network, a network that, unlike the inbedwith American media, presents
a program called Mosaic, news from Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan so that we
get a balanced view of events taking place in the Middle East. The Iraqi students,
who were receiving free education, knew more about international events than the
American students. What does this say about our educational system that American
students, who come in near the bottom when compared to students in other industrial
countries when tested on math, history and geography are less informed than students
who were living under a heinous American-sponsored regime? (And were receiving
free education.) Perhaps these American students get all of their information
about the world from television. 0n April 25th, the President of the B.B.C. was
reported to have said that the American media's reporting of the war was characterized
by so much patriotic cheerleading- my nomination for giddy hyper major domo for
the war is CNN's Wolf Blitzer, who was goo goo eyed over the video-game display
of "shock- and- awe" weaponry- that it would be hard to take the United States
electronic media seriously....
Land
of Clichés
By Robert Fisk, Dissident Voice, June 7, 2003
It was all about clichés. No longer a "peace process" - which, like a disobedient
railway loco, constantly had to be put back on track - it's now a "road-map".
Settlements built for Jews and Jews only on Arab land are now divided into "established
settlements", the illegal kind Ariel Sharon does not intend to dismantle, and
"unauthorised outposts", the equally illegal "caravanserais" that Israeli extremists
have set up and that can be torn down in front of the television cameras as a
demonstration of goodwill. On the Palestinian side, there was Abu Mazen, America's
choice of successor to the failed colonial governor Yasser Arafat, promising that
he would use "every means available" to end the intifada. "Every means" is almost
UN-speak; it means Hamas and Islamic Jihad may have to be put down with gunfire
- which in the real world could mean a Palestinian civil war. There was talk of
a "restructured" Palestinian "security service". "Restructured" means "purged",
something that Mr Arafat would understand at first hand. Then we had that old
friend, the "viable sic Palestinian state", a cliché that the Quartet of the US,
the EU, the UN and Russia has generously passed on to the Israelis. Mr Sharon
didn't take too well to the "sovereign independent" state that the Quartet dreamt
up. But since it was an internationally supported plan, it was "the only game
in town", a cliché previously reserved for David Owen's gloomy map of Bosnia,
which had the Serbs and Muslims at each other's throats in hours. But even President
George Bush couldn't quite make it out of cliche land. Israel, he said before
the Aqaba summit, had to "deal" (sic again) with settlements - no mention, of
course, that these colonies are built against all international law on Arab land.
Mr Bush talked about "contiguous territories" in Palestine without defining which
bits of land had to be "contiguous". Did he mean adjacent, perhaps? Or adjoining?
And there was much talk of "terror" - the Palestinian kind, of course, not the
Israeli version....
Articles
Archives
|
|