A
stone's throw
from here
By Amira Hass,
Haaretz, April
16, 2003
Despite everything,
they continue
to show up: children
with rocks in
their hands. A
lonely police
jeep enters the
edges of Ramallah.
The adults go
about their routine,
and a few kids
pop up from somewhere,
waiting in ambush
around the corner
for the sounds
that signal the
return of that
hated symbol.
Sometimes a jeep
or two stop exactly
opposite the boys'
school in the
center of Betunya,
west of Ramallah,
seemingly intentionally
in the morning,
when the children
are streaming
in, and seemingly
intentionally
in the afternoon,
when the children
are streaming
out. There are
always some children
who will try their
hand at throwing
rocks, while inside
the jeeps the
young troops,
not much older
than the schoolchildren
(which might be
why they chose
that place in
particular) will
try their hand
with their own
weapons - stun
grenades and tear
gas. Sometimes
it's not one jeep
but two, backed
up by an armored
personnel carrier
and a military
ambulance - a
frightening convoy
that makes its
way through the
center of the
city along the
crowded market
road, apparently
on the way to
make arrests.
Children and some
non-children charge.
The soldiers sometimes
only respond with
speeding up the
vehicles, but
sometimes they
insist on firing
a few rounds a
few inches over
the heads of the
people, whether
they are stone-throwers
or not. At those
short distances
it doesn't matter
if the bullets
are live or rubber-coated
steel. Both are
equally lethal.
History
Up in Smoke
By Maureen Dowd,
New York Times,
April 16, 2003
We obviously have
some things to
learn from the
British. When
they carted off
the treasures
of the nations
they conquered
to the British
Museum, they at
least preserved
them for future
generations to
fight over who
should own them.
The coalition
forces were guarding
the Iraqi Oil
Ministry building
while hundreds
of Iraqis ransacked
and ran off with
precious heirlooms
and artifacts
from a 7,000-year-old
civilization.
Rummy blew off
the repeated requests
of scholars and
archaeologists
that the soldiers
must protect Iraqi
history in the
museum as zealously
as they protected
Iraqi wealth in
the oil wells.
-- Last week,
the C.I.A. was
leaning toward
believing that
Saddam Hussein
was alive and
Osama bin Laden
was dead. This
week, the C.I.A.
is leaning toward
believing that
Osama bin Laden
is alive and Saddam
Hussein is dead.
Unless, of course,
Saddam is not
dead. Even though
Tommy Franks claims
to have Saddam's
DNA, American
forensics experts
have not been
pawing through
the rubble of
the Baghdad safe
house and restaurant
where Saddam and
his sons were
targeted on April
7. (A pretty good
clue that they
don't expect to
find any Saddam
traces there.)
And last night,
rumors were flitting
through the intelligence
community that
Saddam may be
on the run, after
plastic surgery.
The man is known
to be an aficionado
of cosmetic enhancement.
He requested liposuction,
teeth-whitening
and hair-transplant
equipment through
U.N. officials
in 1998 as humanitarian
"essential medical
supplies." Maybe
the reason we
haven't found
any weapons of
mass destruction
is because all
that botulinum
toxin he stored
wasn't to make
biological weapons,
as Colin Powell
said, but Botox?
A
roadmap for Israel,
with a detour
via Damascus
By Jim Lobe, Asia
Times, April 12,
2003
WASHINGTON - Will
it be the roadmap
to Israeli-Palestinian
peace or the road
to Damascus that
will next grab
the attention
of US President
George W Bush's
administration
in the wake of
its convincing
conquest of Iraq?
While senior officials,
including Bush
himself as recently
as Monday after
meeting in Belfast
with British Prime
Minister Tony
Blair, have insisted
that getting an
Israeli-Palestinian
peace process
back on track
will be the top
regional priority
after the Iraq
war, speculation
that administration
hawks have their
eyes set on Syria
suggests a possible
detour. It is
clear that Washington's
European and Arab
allies, as well
as Secretary of
State Colin Powell,
are concerned
that Bush follow
through on his
pledges to launch
the implementation
of the roadmap
that was worked
out late last
year by the so-called
"quartet" - the
United Nations,
the European Union,
Russia and the
United States.
Blair and Powell
see such a move
not only as a
way of mending
ties between the
US and Europe
that were badly
strained by Bush's
refusal to seek
UN authorization
for the invasion,
but also as an
essential step
to bolstering
pro-Western Arab
governments which
quietly supported
the war despite
the overwhelming
opposition of
their publics.
"Arabs don't expect
the US to muster
another armada
to militarily
force Israel to
end its occupation,
but they do expect
Washington to
use its political,
economic and diplomatic
muscle to implement
the roadmap to
Palestinian-Israeli
peace, which aims
for adjacent Palestinian
and Israeli states
enjoying equal
security and national
rights," wrote
Jordanian journalist
Rami Khouri in
Thursday's Los
Angeles Times.
Settlements
in the road map
put Palestine
into deep freeze
By Nancy Hawker,
Alternative Information
Center, April
16, 2003
In the aftermath
of the war on
Iraq, noises are
being made concerning
the push for a
deal in the long-defunct
Palestinian-Israeli
“peace process”.
This time the
deal has taken
the form of the
Road Map based
on a speech by
George W. Bush
last June and
worked out by
the US, UN, EU
and Russian Federation.
Significant about
this proposal
is that whilst
the PA accepted
it unconditionally,
Sharon accepted
it with some 107
amendments and
reservations,
and his hawkish
coalition partners
refused any hint
at the establishment
of an independent
Palestinian state.
The PA rejects
any changes to
the Road Map,
which calls, among
other things,
for the establishment
of a Palestinian
state within temporary
borders in 2003
and a finalisation
in 2005. Some
Palestinians hope
that after the
war in Iraq the
United States
is in a strong
position to put
Israel under pressure
to implement the
Road Map. This
goes against other
prognoses that
warn that the
fact that Sharon
even signed up
to the deal proves
that the US has
nothing more to
offer than a castrated
Palestinian protectorate.
Glossary
of Occupation
By Paul de Rooij,
CounterPunch,
September 12,
2002
Language is a
powerful yet deceptive
thing. It can
be used to convey
someone's plight
and it can also
be used to hide
unpalatable sordid
deeds. Nowhere
are words adulterated
more for political
ends than in Israel
and Palestine
today. It is no
secret that Israel
employs a legion
of well-funded
propagandists,
and it also relies
on self-appointed
members of the
press--the pro
bono apologists,
who serve the
same purpose.
Just like the
lopsided imbalance
of military power,
the means to command
and change language
rests primarily
with pro-Israeli
propagandists.
Their language
obfuscates and
exculpates Israel's
actions against
a basically defenseless
population; it
perpetuates the
injustices and
contributes to
a continuation
of Israel's occupation
and theft of more
land. To make
sense of the situation
and to peer through
the fog, a fraction
of the post-Oslo
commonly abused
terms are translated
in this glossary.
Abused Terms:
Administrative
detention -- Imprisonment
without charges,
trial, sometimes
without legal
representation,
for undefined
terms. Imprisonment
usually takes
place in prisons
and even in a
concentration
camp in the Negev
desert.
Bilateral negotiations
-- Confiscation
of land. Israel
confiscates/steals
land, and to legalize
its claims it
engages in "bilateral
negotiations."
There have been
no bilateral negotiations
about Palestinian
claims pertaining
to land inside
the Green line.
The
case of Fareg
Ibrahim: symptomatic
of a slow process
of ethnic cleansing
Shamai Leibowitz,
The Electronic
Intifada, April
14, 2003
Almost a year
ago, in May 2002,
the Israeli Minister
of Interior decided
to deport Fareg
Ibrahim, an Arab-Egyptian
married to an
Arab-Israeli woman,
and father to
a two-month-old
baby, Camela.
Since June 2002,
Mr. Ibrahim has
been held in custody,
without being
accused of any
crime. The Tel
Aviv District
Court denied his
requests to be
released on bail.
Usually, foreign
residents, especially
ones who are married
to Israelis, are
interrogated and
released on bail.
However, apparently
because Mr. Ibrahim
is an Arab, Israeli
judges decided
to keep him in
detention. Mr.
Ibrahim has been
living in Israel
for 7 years. He
entered Israel
on a visa, and
after he married
an Arab-Israeli
woman, filed a
request to become
an Israeli resident.
He was a hard-working
man, committed
to his family.
He was not involved
in any criminal
activity whatsoever.
He is not connected,
directly or indirectly,
to any terrorist
organization.
Nevertheless,
the Ministry of
Interior decided
to tear him away
from his wife
and child and
deport him to
Egypt, implementing
a policy denying
family reunification
to Arabs. This
act is considered
a crime according
to international
conventions and
UN treaties.
Between
Zambish and Bush
By Ze'ev Schiff,
Haaretz, April
16, 2003
The expansion
of settlements
means only one
thing: the continuation
of the occupation
and the rule over
another people,
if not over all
of it then over
most of it. All
the word games
will not whitewash
this fact. --
This past Sunday,
the day on which
Haaretz published
an interview with
Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon,
the premier met
privately with
one of the men
mentioned in the
article. The meeting
was not held at
the Prime Minister's
Office, where
everyone who enters
and exits is registered,
but rather at
Sharon's Jerusalem
home in the evening
with no secretaries
or aides present.
The guest was
Ze'ev Hever, also
known as Zambish,
one of the heads
of the Yesha (Judea,
Samaria and Gaza)
Council, and the
man in charge
of the settlements,
the outposts (legal
and illegal),
the appropriation
of lands, the
paving of roads,
secret budgets,
etc. In the Haaretz
interview, Ari
Shavit asked Sharon
whom he would
choose at the
moment of truth,
U.S. President
George W. Bush
or Zambish. Sharon's
answer was, "Each
of the two people
you mentioned
is a special and
impressive person.
Each of them is
very impressive
in his own field."
These are the
two opposing fronts
between which
Sharon is maneuvering.
While his bureau
chief, Dov Weisglass,
is making his
way to a meeting
with Foreign Minister
Silvan Shalom
and with U.S.
National Security
Advisor Condoleezza
Rice, Sharon is
meeting quietly
with Zambish.
Baghdad
Has Fallen, Thanks
to the Arab Regimes
By Ramzy Baroud,
Palestine Chronicle,
April 15, 2003
"What does it
take to awaken
these regimes?
Do we have to
wait for the Marines
to tear down their
statues and smother
their faces with
American flags?
And, will the
Arab people ever
move beyond angry
chants and realize
that they can
be, if they wish,
the most important
component of this
struggle? .."
-- It’s
not always easy
to find a moment
of calm in chaotic
situations, and,
while sipping
a cup of tea,
declare confidently:
“what have
we learned from
all of this?”
Iraq has fallen.
For many, Iraq
was just another
country; just
another example
of American imperialism;
just another business
conquest for the
‘big corporations’,
ideological conquest
for the ‘neo-conservatives’,
and a religious
conquest for the
fundamentalists
(now flooding
Qatar, Kuwait
and Jordan to
offer ‘their
services’
to the battered
nation of Iraq.)
But you have to
be an Arab or
someone conscious
enough to look
beyond the deceptive
glasses of the
American and British
media and officials,
to realize the
magnitude of the
catastrophe. Iraq,
in Arab history
has been viewed
as the liberator;
it’s the
“castle
of Arab civilization”,
the home of intellectuals,
and the heart
of the Arab world.
For a growing
population of
Arabs who are
pushing for a
better a future,
a more dignified
one; seeking a
ray of hope, a
glimpse of change,
the falling of
Baghdad can never
be described as
anything but a
catastrophe. Just
weeks ago, Arabs
were fighting
to liberate one
country, Palestine.
Now, they have
to liberate two,
maybe more.
US
Neglect Casts
Dark Shadow Over
a City Without
Light or Much
Love for the Invaders
By James Meek,
The Guardian,
April 16, 2003
In the darkness
of unelectrified
Baghdad at night,
one of the brightest
spots is the Palestine
Hotel, where,
from generator-powered
floodlit marquees
on the roof, the
American TV networks
report around
the clock on their
military forces'
operations in
the Iraqi capital.
Conveniently,
the US officers
trying to restore
essential services
in the city are
based in the same
hotel. It is a
short walk upstairs
for US military
spokesmen to explain
live to American
audiences how
they are getting
the Iraqi police
back on the streets,
working to repair
the power stations,
and fixing the
water pipes. Yet
a week after the
US occupation
of Baghdad began,
if you count from
the contrived
symbolism of the
destruction of
one of the many
statues of Saddam
Hussein in the
city - the one
which happens
to be closest
to the Palestine
Hotel - there
is a bitterness
and tension between
citizens and occupiers.
It is not just
that Baghdad has
been ravaged by
looting, which
local people feel
US forces did
little or nothing
to prevent. There
is a growing feeling
that the occupiers
are obsessed with
protecting themselves,
to the exclusion
of taking risks
in protecting
civilians.
Tell
me, kid, did you
throw stones?
By Amira Hass,
Haaretz, April
15, 2003
At midnight on
February 20, the
soldiers "came
down to the village
from the mountains,"
surrounded Ja'far's
house, banged
hard on the door,
woke everyone
up and demanded
that Ja'far come
along for interrogation.
In the months
prior to his arrest,
several of his
friends were similarly
detained - all
residents of the
village of Kharbatha
al Musbah, which
nestles among
the hills, ravines,
olive groves,
army roadblocks
and dirt tracks
southwest of Ramallah.
Last year, at
least some of
these arrests
were effected
using the "neighbor
routine": Two
brothers, Nader
and Mamduh, were
arrested that
way in July 2002.
Someone knocked
on the door sometime
after 2 A.M. "The
army is here,"
the neighbor told
them, whereupon
the army took
them away for
immediate interrogation
in the middle
of the night.
And at Nahhalin,
west of Bethlehem,
on March 24 at
night, a boy named
Bilal was hustled
away to be interrogated.
Presumably these
four arrests were
included in due
course in routine
Israel Defense
Forces updates
made to journalists
via their beepers,
to reappear afterward
in the morning
news bulletins:
"The IDF last
night arrested
13 suspects and
others wanted
for interrogation
throughout the
West Bank." But
Ja'far and Nader
were 15-and-a-half
when detained,
Mamduh was 17
and Bilal had
just turned 14
the day before
he was arrested
(all the names
are fictitious).
The urgent interrogation
requiring that
they be hauled
off in the middle
of the night usually
involved the suspicion
that they'd been
throwing stones
at Israeli vehicles.
The most serious
allegations concerned
Bilal, the 14-year-old:
Suspected of burning
electricity poles,
as well as rock-throwing.
Over the last
two years, hundreds
of minors under
18 and even under
16 have been detained
in this fashion.
Israeli jails,
prisons and detention
facilities now
hold some 300
Palestinian minors:
Some are awaiting
trial, some have
already been tried
for various security-related
offenses - from
rock-throwing
(the majority)
to an intent to
perpetrate, or
help perpetrate,
a suicide attack.