Our
soldiers? Impossible
By Amira Hass
Haaretz, March 21, 2003
On the phone, his voice sounded
very young, like that of a high
school student. But no; he's a soldier,
serving somewhere in the West Bank.
He identified himself by name, named
his company, the unit, and the location
of the base (and in a separate conversation
named the base). He was bashful,
hesitant, apologetic that he might
be disturbing someone, but something
was bothering him. Soldiers in his
unit "beat bloody" two Palestinians
whom they had arrested earlier that
day and had brought to the base,
he said. One was an Arab caught
in the field with a gun. The second
"was a detainee that the Shin Bet
said did nothing and that he should
be released." That was his conclusion
from what he heard from one of the
soldiers who had heard the officers.
"`He didn't do anything. Take him
and toss him out somewhere on the
road,'" said that soldier. But meanwhile,
the soldier with the youthful voice
said on the phone that the two detainees
were being held at the base. Their
hands were tied behind them; their
eyes covered with a blindfold. One
was lying curled up on the ground,
the other sat on a chair. And the
soldiers beat them. A lot of soldiers.
Beating and kicking until the two
began to weep, and continued to
beat them until the two pleaded
for their lives. It was difficult
for him to describe the scene he
saw. "It reminded me of the Ramallah
lynch," he said. The officers weren't
present when the soldiers - as the
soldier said - beat up the two detainees.
The officers were in a nearby room.
It's
only Sderot. Only us
By Gideon Levy, Haaretz, March 25,
2003
These are the names: Al'a Hilo,
23, and his brother Said, 28; Tamer
Qata, 27; Amar al-Dayeh, 19; Abd
al-Karim Bakroun, 25; Mohammed Salhoub,
27; Abd al-Rahman Kassam, 26; Munzar
Safadi, 27; Ali Abu al-Hir, 30;
Iyad Abaed, 27; and Abd al-Rahim
Abu Naja, 30. Eleven Palestinians,
who were killed in the Israel Defense
Forces operation in the Sejiya neighborhood
of Gaza City last Wednesday. Most
(not all) of them were armed, but
were they all marked out for death?
Together with two others killed
in Nablus and one in Jenin, 15 Palestinians
died in that day's bloody harvest.
The next day the headline in the
mass-circulation daily Yedioth Ahronoth
blared, "City under shelling." Which
city? Sderot, in southern Israel.
In the twin paper, Ma'ariv, none
of the headlines and sub-headlines
contained any mention of the Palestinians
who were killed or of the destruction
wrought in Sejiya by the Givati
infantry brigade combined with tanks
and helicopters. Only Sderot, only
the Qassam rockets, only us. Four
Qassams landed in the southern town
in the wake of the Sejiya operation,
lightly wounding a forklift driver,
Vladimir Valodya, 48, who works
in a local factory that makes shower
stalls (he was initially said to
be in serious condition). Israel
was preoccupied exclusively, and
almost hysterically, with him and
his city. A future historian who
peruses the papers will reach the
conclusion that Sderot was the only
city that was shelled last Wednesday.
Israelis again learned that they
are the only victims of the violence.
As for the killing and devastation
in Sejiya, who heard about it? Who
knows about it? Similarly, the fact
that the rocket attack was in direct
response to the action in Sejiya,
following three weeks of quiet on
the Qassam front and an effort by
the Palestinian Authority to put
a stop to the rocket attacks, was
barely noted. The Palestinians are
shooting, and it makes no difference
why.
Colonization
in the 21st Century
By Hassan Tahsin, Arab News, March
25, 2003
During a session of the House of
Commons last Tuesday which debated
Tony Blair’s request for Parliament
to give its go-ahead for the invasion
of Iraq, a statement by one of the
MPs caused the hall to go into dead
silence for a few seconds, and no
one dared object. “It’s
really strange that you want to
rid Iraq of weapons of mass destruction,
other colleagues present in the
House and myself recollect signing
a few years ago an agreement to
sell such weapons to Iraq, which
you now say are weapons of mass
destruction and pose a threat to
world peace and British interests.
Is there some kind of explanation
for this?” the MP asked. The
House of Commons discussions remind
me of the time in history when Britain
ruled the waves and colonized half
the world. France, Spain and Portugal
as well as Italy, Belgium and Holland
all had the inclination toward colonization
though the last three were less
successful. Therefore, the urge
toward colonization is inherently
European and rooted in the economy.
War was the only acceptable way
to realize economic interests —
witness the two world wars both
of which were fought for no other
reason but economic interest. After
the end of World War II and in the
face of the horrors that the people
of the world suffered from, peace
became the only slogan. With the
end of the military-colonization
ideology the search was on for an
alternative. Thus emerged what we
call neocolonialism or economic
colonialism. It is the imposition
of foreign policy, economy and culture
on a nation without the need for
military presence all the while
acknowledging its independence and
sovereignty.
Statement
regarding the US attack on Iraq
By Bill Fletcher, Jr., TransAfrica
Forum, March 20, 2003
Many of us have friends and family
serving in the Persian Gulf. Some
of those individuals are in direct
combat. To them we offer our prayers,
hoping for their safe return. Were
it not for the recklessness of the
Bush administration, and the arrogance
of its new National Security Doctrine,
we would not be in a situation of
desperate hope for the safe return
of our loved ones. The Bush administration
has brazenly decided upon a course
of action that breaks international
law by adopting a perverse notion
of preemptive war. The notion of
a preemptive assault as applied
by this administration in a situation
where there has been no evidence
of a threat to the United States
or to Iraq's neighbors is aggressive
and dangerous. It places the United
States on a collision course with
most of the rest of the world. Instead
of political analysis, the Bush
administration is advancing fortune-telling,
that is, predicting what a certain
leader might do in the future if
they obtain certain weapons. Using
that 'logic' this planet could annihilate
itself in a never-ending search
for potential threats. It is critical
to recognize that the African world
faces grave threats as a result
of this war. The Bush administration
attempted to bully various countries-such
as Angola, the Cameroon and Guinea-into
supporting it in the United Nations
(UN), and it is now being reported
that the USA is taking a similar
tack concerning upcoming UN discussions
which might result in a condemnation
of the US aggression. This attitude
of contempt for the rest of the
world can be understood from any
reading of the National Security
Doctrine. The aim of the Bush administration
is to consolidate and dominate a
global capitalist empire. Anyone
opposing this march to barbarism
is, in the words of today's press,
decapitated.
Only
Iraqis can decide
By Neal Ascherson, The Guardian,
March 24, 2003
If the US denies Iraq democracy
and independence, its freedom will
be bought with blood -- The landscape
after the battle, in a conquered
country, does not smile in a warm
morning of freedom. Instead, there
begins a rat-infested twilight,
and many of the rats are human.
The prisoners will emerge and the
exiles will return. But as they
shoulder their rucksacks and try
to find their homes in ruined streets,
they will often see those who imprisoned
and exiled them riding past in the
conquerors' jeeps, wearing new armbands
of authority. Politicians in new
offices will sell options on good
jobs and stolen aid shipments. Decent
families will scrabble like white
mice for food and favours. Iraq,
at first, will be no different.
But the world cannot afford to leave
it like that. For this potentially
wealthy country of 23 million people,
with a large and sophisticated middle
class, there has to be a new invention
of nationhood. The sad limbo status
of yet another UN protectorate,
partitioned and mafia-ridden, is
not an option for Iraq. With neighbours
like Iran and Turkey, the appearance
of an enormous grey area of indefinite
sovereignty in one of the most contested
regions on earth would invite catastrophe.
Incredibly, with American tanks
half way to Baghdad, there is still
no agreement on how to run a military
occupation regime, let alone on
a programme to reconstruct an Iraqi
state. (The best suggestion so far
is for a UN "blue police force"
drawn from Muslim countries to restore
order and justice at local level.)
But last week's quarrel at Brussels
is not as serious as it looks: Tony
Blair is evasive about free elections
in Iraq, but at least he and Chirac
seem to agree that the security
council must authorise a post-Saddam
civil authority. The real trouble
is in Washington.
One
rule for them
By George Monbiot, The Guardian,
March 25, 2003
Five PoWs are mistreated in Iraq
and the US cries foul. What about
Guantanamo Bay? -- Suddenly, the
government of the United States
has discovered the virtues of international
law. It may be waging an illegal
war against a sovereign state; it
may be seeking to destroy every
treaty which impedes its attempts
to run the world, but when five
of its captured soldiers were paraded
in front of the Iraqi television
cameras on Sunday, Donald Rumsfeld,
the US defence secretary, immediately
complained that "it is against the
Geneva convention to show photographs
of prisoners of war in a manner
that is humiliating for them". He
is, of course, quite right. Article
13 of the third convention, concerning
the treatment of prisoners, insists
that they "must at all times be
protected... against insults and
public curiosity". This may number
among the less heinous of the possible
infringements of the laws of war,
but the conventions, ratified by
Iraq in 1956, are non-negotiable.
If you break them, you should expect
to be prosecuted for war crimes.
This being so, Rumsfeld had better
watch his back. For this enthusiastic
convert to the cause of legal warfare
is, as head of the defence department,
responsible for a series of crimes
sufficient, were he ever to be tried,
to put him away for the rest of
his natural life.
The
Real Reasons for the Upcoming War
With Iraq: A Macroeconomic and Geostrategic
Analysis of the Unspoken Truth
By W. Clark, Independent Media Center/Crimes
Against Humanity, March 6,
2003
Summary: Although completely suppressed
by the U.S. media and government,
the answer to the Iraq enigma is
simple yet shocking -- it is an
oil currency war. The real reason
for this upcoming war is this administration's
goal of preventing further Organization
of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OPEC) momentum towards the euro
as an oil transaction currency standard.
However, in order to pre-empt OPEC,
they need to gain geo-strategic
control of Iraq along with its 2nd
largest proven oil reserves. This
essay will discuss the macroeconomics
of the `petro-dollar' and the unpublicized
but real threat to U.S. economic
hegemony from the euro as an alternative
oil transaction currency. The author
advocates reform of the global monetary
system including a dollar/euro currency
`trading band' with reserve status
parity, and a dual OPEC oil transaction
standard. These reforms could potentially
reduce future oil currency warfare.
"If a nation expects to be ignorant
and free, it expects what never
was and never will be . . . The
People cannot be safe without information.
When the press is free, and every
man is able to read, all is safe."
Those words by Thomas Jefferson
embody the unfortunate state of
affairs that have beset our nation.
Channels
of Influence
By Paul Krugman, New York Times,
March 25, 2003
By and large, recent pro-war rallies
haven't drawn nearly as many people
as antiwar rallies, but they have
certainly been vehement. One of
the most striking took place after
Natalie Maines, lead singer for
the Dixie Chicks, criticized President
Bush: a crowd gathered in Louisiana
to watch a 33,000-pound tractor
smash a collection of Dixie Chicks
CD's, tapes and other paraphernalia.
To those familiar with 20th-century
European history it seemed eerily
reminiscent of. . . . But as Sinclair
Lewis said, it can't happen here.
Who has been organizing those pro-war
rallies? The answer, it turns out,
is that they are being promoted
by key players in the radio industry
— with close links to the
Bush administration. The CD-smashing
rally was organized by KRMD, part
of Cumulus Media, a radio chain
that has banned the Dixie Chicks
from its playlists. Most of the
pro-war demonstrations around the
country have, however, been organized
by stations owned by Clear Channel
Communications, a behemoth based
in San Antonio that controls more
than 1,200 stations and increasingly
dominates the airwaves. The company
claims that the demonstrations,
which go under the name Rally for
America, reflect the initiative
of individual stations. But this
is unlikely: according to Eric Boehlert,
who has written revelatory articles
about Clear Channel in Salon, the
company is notorious — and
widely hated — for its iron-fisted
centralized control.
Saddam
starts to sound more like his hero,
Uncle Joe
By Robert Fisk, The Independent,
March 25, 2003
Let us now praise famous men. Saddam
Hussein was keen on doing just that
yesterday. And he proceeded to list
the Iraqi army and navy officers
who are leading the resistance against
the Anglo-American army in Umm Qasr,
Basra and Nasariyah. Major-General
Mustapha Mahmoud Umran, commanding
officer of the 11th Division, Brigadier
Bashir Ahmed Othman, commander of
the Iraqi 45th Brigade, Brigadier-Colonel
Ali Kalil Ibrahim, commander of
the 11th Battalion of the 45th Brigade,
Colonel Mohamed Khallaf al-Jabawi,
commander of the 45th Brigade's
2nd Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel
Fathi Rani Majid of the Iraqi army's
III Corps ... And so it went on.
"Be patient," President Saddam kept
saying. Be patient. Fourteen times
in all, he told the army and the
people of Iraq to be patient. "We
will win ... we will be victorious
against Evil." Patient but confident
in victory. Fighting evil. Wasn't
that how President Bush was encouraging
his people a few hours earlier?
At other times, President Saddam
sounded like his hero, Joseph Stalin.
"They have come to destroy our country
and we must stand and destroy them
and defend our people and our country
... Cut their throats ... They are
coming to take our land. But when
they try to enter our cities, they
try to avoid a battle with our forces
and to stay outside the range of
our weapons."
On
NPR, Please Follow the Script
By Robert Jensen, March 24, 2003,
CommonDreams.org
Last week I found out that National
Public Radio wants the opinions
of antiwar activists -- as long
as we follow the right script. After
a day of antiwar protests on the
University of Texas campus and in
Austin, I found myself booked as
a late-night guest on NPR’s
all-day coverage of the war to be
interviewed by Scott Simon, the
popular host of Weekend Edition
on Saturdays. I knew something about
Simon’s politics from an essay
he published in the Wall Street
Journal a month after 9/11. In that
piece he explained that he had become
a Quaker and pacifist during the
antiwar movement of the 1960s but
now supported Bush’s “war
on terrorism.” His prose at
the time was undistinguishable from
the president’s rhetoric:
“But those of us who have
been pacifists must admit that it
has been our blessing to live in
a nation in which other citizens
have been willing to risk their
lives to defend our dissent. The
war against terrorism does not shove
American power into places where
it has no place. It calls on America’s
military strength in a global crisis
in which peaceful solutions are
not apparent.” So, when I
found out Simon would be interviewing
me, I had an idea of what to expect:
The liberal defense of the American
empire that one hears from people
who have accepted the idea that
we now intervene only for “humanitarian”
or defensive reasons, and besides
everything is different since 9/11.
These people would never be so crude
as to try to silence antiwar activists
or question their patriotism; instead,
they prefer to indulge our naivetι
with that “someday you will
understand” look. Even though
I was not in the studio with him,
I could feel that look on Simon’s
face through the phone line.