Elite
Spokesman Alarmed by Magnitude of Opposition to Iraq War
by John Spritzler, NewDemocracyWorld.org
A man named Les Gelb is complaining that Americans just don't
buy President Bush's arguments for waging war on Iraq. Mr. Gelb
says in a December 19, 2002 interview that he's been going around
the country giving speeches advocating war on Iraq, and that,
"I have encountered enormous opposition to my terribly persuasive
arguments...80 to 90 percent of audience members were against
an invasion." When anti-war individuals report this, one might
figure it's a biased sample. What kind of people, after all,
are going to come out to listen to Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn,
Robert Fisk or Michael Moore, all of whom have reported large
attendance at their anti-war speeches, even in supposedly pro-Bush
regions of the country. But Mr. Gelb is certainly not attracting
a knee-jerk anti-establishment crowd. This is clear when one
considers exactly who this man is and who he represents. Les
Gelb is the president of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR),
the premiere elite policy-making organization in the United
States. When foreign leaders visit the U.S. they appear before
the CFR before addressing Congress. CFR members pass in and
out of the top government positions routinely. Since 1940 every
U.S. secretary of state but one, and every secretary of defense
(or war) and most of the directors of the CIA have been CFR
members. Dick Cheney, Al Gore and Bill Clinton are all CFRers.
The business elite runs the CFR. David Rockefeller (of whom
it has been said if he were elected President of the United
States it would be a demotion) is a Chairman emeritus of the
CFR. Most of America's largest corporations have their directors,
chairman or CEO in the CFR.
Bushwhacked
By Matthew Engel, The Guardian, January 13, 2003
With war looming it is no good the American public looking to
its newspapers for an independent voice. For the press have
now become the president's men -- It is more than 30 years ago
now, though it seems like yesterday. A Republican president,
much derided by liberals, was in the White House and his opponents
were being lashed by the rightwing attack dogs, led then by
the vice-president, Spiro Agnew. The elite East Coast press,
exemplified by the New York Times and the Washington Post, were
the special targets of his scorn: "pointy-headed liberals,"
he called them, and "the nattering nabobs of negativism". But
the press laughed last and longest. Agnew resigned in disgrace,
to be followed by his president, Richard Nixon - forced out
by the investigations of two Post reporters, Carl Bernstein
and Bob Woodward, whose doggedness revealed Nixon's role in
covering up the Watergate break-in and sundry other crimes.
It remains one of the greatest - maybe the greatest - moment
in the history of American journalism. Now there is a new Republican
president, elected even more controversially and pursuing a
far more divisive agenda. Where are the pointy-head liberals
now? The change can be summed up in Woodward's own career. As
the Watergate investigator, he not merely protected his sources,
he glamorised them. Now, still on the Post staff, he functions
as a semi-official court stenographer to the Bush White House.
And it is notable that those who talk to him - such as the president
himself - always play the heroic role in his stories.
Email
from Saffuriya
By Jonathan Cook, The Guardian, January 13, 2003
It is a reflex question for Palestinians, always posed early
in the Arab greeting ritual, to ask a stranger, even another
Palestinian, "Where are you from?" before enquiring: "Where
do you live?" Few Palestinians live where they feel they belong.
Ziyad Awasie is no exception. He, like some 5 million other
Palestinians, is a refugee, though not in the camps of Lebanon
or Syria, or under military occupation in the West Bank or Gaza,
or for that matter in the more pampered exile of Europe and
the US. The 28-year-old physiotherapist is one of the million
Palestinians who live today as citizens of Israel. To outsiders
it is an assumption easily made that these Palestinians remained
on their land - even if up to 800,000 others fled to neighbouring
Arab states during the war that founded Israel in 1948. The
assumption, however, is wrong.
U.S.
Declares Open Season on UN Workers
By Stephen Zunes, Common Dreams, January 10, 2003
In yet another example of the Bush Administration’s contempt
for international law, the United States vetoed an otherwise-unanimous
UN Security Council resolution on December 20 that criticized
the Israeli government for a series of attacks by its armed
forces against United Nations workers and facilities in the
occupied Palestinian territories. The first incident cited in
the resolution was the November 21 slaying of Iain Hook, who
was working for the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA)
inside a well-marked UN compound in a Palestinian refugee camp
in the northern West Bank. A UN investigation revealed that,
despite Israeli claims to the contrary, there was no gunfire
from the compound where Hook was shot three times. In addition,
Israeli forces initially blocked an ambulance and emergency
medical team from coming to his aid in time to possibly saved
him. Hook, who was British, had been the director of a project
to rebuild homes of Palestinian civilians that had been destroyed
by Israeli occupation forces during previous military operations.
The second incident took place on December 1, when Israeli occupation
forces destroyed a building in the Gaza Strip used by the World
Food Program (WFP), another UN agency. The warehouse contained
hundreds of tons of badly-needed food destined for Palestinian
families. Malnutrition has skyrocketed in the occupied territories
as multiple sieges by Israeli forces have brought agricultural
activity to a virtual halt, leading most of the population to
rely on the WFP and private voluntary organizations for basic
necessities. According to officials from the WFP, Israeli occupation
forces entered and searched the three-story structure and –
despite the absence of any apparent military usage – planted
a series of explosives, destroying the building and most of
its contents minutes later.
Palestinian
Solidarity Activists: Driving a Wedge in Consensus Reality
By David Bloom and Bill Weinberg
The editors of World War 3 Report talk to two Palestine Solidarity
activists, Steve Quester from Jews Against the Occupation and
Zaid Khalil, of Stop US Tax-Funded Aid to Israel Now (SUSTAIN),
groups that calls for the full right of return for Palestinian
refugees, and an end to all US aid to Israel. Quester and Khalil
talk about their entry into solidarity work, their experiences
in Palestine with the International Solidarity Movement and
the challenges currently facing Palestine activism.
The
'secular coalition' illusion
By Akiva Eldar, Ha'aretz, January 13, 2003
The "secular center coalition" is turning into the hottest merchandise
in the political market. From the flag of rebellion raised by
a marginal party, the "cabinet without ultra-Orthodox parties"
has moved to the banner of some of Labor's leaders, including
Shimon Peres. David Ben-Gurion set the rule, "No Herut or Communists,"
in the 1950s, calling to exclude those two parties from the
legitimate political camp. His pupil, Shimon Peres, is calling
to exclude the representatives of the ultra-Orthodox sector
and bring the political descendants of Ben-Gurion back to the
bosom of Herut's descendants. The Likud and Labor could have
set up a coalition based only on secular parties after the previous
elections. The reasons that have prevented such a move till
now are, more or less, the same reasons such a coalition will
not be formed after the next elections: More than 200,000 of
the Likud's voters define themselves as traditional (masorti)
to ultra-Orthodox Jews. A unilateral separation of the Likud
from the religious parties could undermine the delicate balance
between their national worldview and their religious belief.
Transfer,
as an Israeli policy
By Fahed Fanek, Jordan Times, January 13, 2003
THESE DAYS, the highway between Israel's Ben-Gurion Airport
and the city of Jerusalem is festooned with political placards
and posters. One of them says: “Transfer means peace and
security” — a slogan reminiscent of the Nazis. Yet,
such overtly racist slogans are not being met with the derision
they deserve from the Israeli public, neither do the authorities
attempt to remove them. “Transfer” (of native Palestinians
out of the West Bank and Gaza Strip to neighbouring Arab countries,
chiefly Jordan) has gained respectability; it has become the
stated policy of Israel's far right, while moderates are scared
to speak out against it. Yet Israeli officials must realise
that “transfer” is not a practical option; neither
is the perpetuation of the current state of affairs with the
Palestinians. The next Israeli government — whether led
by Likud Prime Minister Ariel Sharon or Labour Party leader
Amram Mitzna — must act radically to break out of the
impasse. In order to do that, Israel has three options only:
a two-state solution, annexation of the West Bank and Gaza,
and “transfer”. The first option, that of an emasculated
Palestinian state existing alongside Israel, means a return
to the peace process and Israel's acceptance to withdraw totally
from the West Bank and Gaza to the June 4, 1967, lines. This
solution needs an Israeli “Charles de Gaulle” to
carry it through; unfortunately, no such leader has yet appeared
on Israel's political firmament. The second option, annexation,
which means giving 3 million Palestinians Israeli citizenship,
is gaining support from an increasing number of people in the
occupied territories. But this option would spell the end of
Israel as a Jewish state, replacing it with a multiethnic state
— a solution that the Israelis, both left and right, find
unacceptable for obvious reasons.
The
Burden
By Michael Ignatieff, MIFTAH, January 9, 2003
In a speech to graduating cadets at West Point in June, President
Bush declared, ''America has no empire to extend or utopia to
establish.'' When he spoke to veterans assembled at the White
House in November, he said: America has ''no territorial ambitions.
We don't seek an empire. Our nation is committed to freedom
for ourselves and for others.'' Ever since George Washington
warned his countrymen against foreign entanglements, empire
abroad has been seen as the republic's permanent temptation
and its potential nemesis. Yet what word but ''empire'' describes
the awesome thing that America is becoming? It is the only nation
that polices the world through five global military commands;
maintains more than a million men and women at arms on four
continents; deploys carrier battle groups on watch in every
ocean; guarantees the survival of countries from Israel to South
Korea; drives the wheels of global trade and commerce; and fills
the hearts and minds of an entire planet with its dreams and
desires. A historian once remarked that Britain acquired its
empire in ''a fit of absence of mind.'' If Americans have an
empire, they have acquired it in a state of deep denial. But
Sept. 11 was an awakening, a moment of reckoning with the extent
of American power and the avenging hatreds it arouses. Americans
may not have thought of the World Trade Center or the Pentagon
as the symbolic headquarters of a world empire, but the men
with the box cutters certainly did, and so do numberless millions
who cheered their terrifying exercise in the propaganda of the
deed.
I
Am No Occupier, Full Stop!
By Uri Ya’acobi, Palestime Media Center, January 13, 2003
[Here follows a letter to the editor, published in all the main
Israeli papers. Uri Ya'acobi (18) is one of the Shiministim
who announced long in advance their refusal to serve in the
army. Uri sent it the day before his enlistment, on August 15.
He is since then in jail.] -- In another two days I am
not going to enlist. I will go the Soldiers House, and will
board the bus together with all other conscription candidates,
and after we get off the bus at the Induction Center in Tel
Hashomer, I will, unlike the others, refuse to enlist, and I
will almost certainly be sent to prison. In the prison I will
meet two of the fellow signatories of "the letter of the high
school pupils" — Yoni Yechezkel and Dror Boimel. Those
two were imprisoned the last week — because of their own
refusal to enlist. They, just like me, and as it turns out:
like a lot of other Israelis, understand that this war which
the state of Israel is conducting, in the territories that it
occupied in '67, is not a war of the Sons of Light against the
Sons of Darkness (not so different from many more wars which
took place in the course of history). When we hear via foreign
media of Israeli tanks rampaging in the streets of Palestinian
cities (for some reason it's hardly ever on the news of the
Israeli media), then we don't hear the whole truth. The sad
truth is that what the Israeli army does in the territories
is not limited to tanks rampaging in the streets and the destruction
of the civilian infrastructure. The military actions are also
not limited to delaying ambulances and pregnant women at roadblocks
or just insensitivity towards Palestinian citizens. Our soldiers
find themselves in difficult situations, and part of them do
it by mistake, but they do kill children and old people who
certainly are in no way connected to any act of terrorism. They
destroy houses of whole families — and perpetrate other
acts for which "terrorism" is the most fitting definition.
5
Reasons to Stop US Military Aid to Israel
Stop US Military Aid to Israel
"You must end the illegal occupation." -- Kofi Annan, addressing
Israel in a meeting of the UN Security Council, March 12, 2002
Arming
for Armageddon
By John Stanton, Online Journal, January 9, 2003
US military-industrial complex reigns supreme -- January 9,
2003—In 2001, the US weapons industry controlled approximately
50 percent of the world arms market. The Federation of American
Scientists (FAS) reports that for fiscal year 2001, the US government
exported $12.2 billion in weapons and was awarded $13.1 billion
in new foreign contracts through its Foreign Military Sales
program. That excludes the $36 billion in direct commercial
sales by US weapons manufacturers to foreign nations. FAS indicates
that the weapons industry is second only to the US agriculture
industry in its receipt of US taxpayer subsidies. Yet, the weapons
industry still whines about export restrictions and pesky public
disclosure requirements that actually make it somewhat accountable
to the US Congress and the American people. So it's no surprise
that in 2003, the weapons industry will be busy lobbying the
US Congress and the American public for more subsidies, fewer
restrictions on what can be sold and to whom, and exemptions
from public accountability and long standing agreements. The
weapons industry storyline will include appeals to 9–11
and patriotism, free markets, job creation and level-playing
fields, and global democracy—US style. But the reality
behind the phony proclamations is, of course, profits and free
rides.